The Life And Work Of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan

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Oxford in Asia Historical Reprints From Pakistan
Adviser: Percival Spear

THE LIFE AND WORK OF SIR SYED AHMED KHAN

;; v-r-'

SIR SY£D AHMED KHAN

THE LIFE AND WORK

OF

SIR SYED AHMED KHAN

BY

MAJOR-GENERAL G. F. I. GRAHAM

with a new introduction by
ZAITUNA Y. UMER

c\mrd

OXFORD
IN ASIA
Historical
Reprints

(Lm\D

KARACHI

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON NEW YORK DELHI

1974

VI

with many facets and angles, and because he wrote and
spoke so much, there are diverse elements in the legacy of
this Muslim leader. Men of all shades of religious and
political opinion claimed him as the originator of their
particular schools of thought. Nevertheless, he was a man
who must be seen and judged in the context of his own
time and contemporaries, and as the main link between the
decaying feudalism of pre-British Mughal Hindustan and
the renaissance of modern Muslim India. Over the years,
Syed Ahmed’s legacy has had a profound influence upon
the thought of Muslim India.

The Muslim deputation at Simla in 1906, which heralded
the birth of the Muslim League as a counterweight to the
Congress in Indian politics, used arguments of Sir Syed’s
about the need for separate representation for the commun-
ity. Mohammed Ali and the leaders of the aggressive nat-
ionalism of the 1920S used arguments about the need for the
educational regeneration of Muslims, which had been pio-
neered by Syed Ahmed. But, equally, the pro-British Punjab
Muslim League of Sir Mohammed Shafl invoked *thc legacy
of Sir Syed* to justify its opposition to the Khilafat
Movement in the 1920s. In retrospect, Syed Ahmed was
used to justify the view that Muslim thought in general and
the Muslim League in particular had a pre-history that
stretched far back into the 19th century.

Syed Ahmed must not only be seen against the back-
ground of the Muslim community, however, for in many
ways he was typical of a whole generation of late 19th
century Indian reformers, who although not themselves
educated in the new English schools, were the Erst to react
to the penetration into the subcontinent of Western ideology.

vii

Like many social reformers of this period, he came from a
Government (Mughal in his ease) service background and
elevated himself to the position of spokesman for his
community through vernacular pamphleteering. But he had
in common with the moderate politicians of Poona, and
the conservative reformers of the northern Indian Hindu
community, an overriding concern with education. It was
this which changed a tactical political stance, derived from the
aftermath of the Mutiny, into co-opcration with the British.
Like many Indian politicians, Hindu or Muslim, he conside-
red that social reform and education must precede political
development. That Sir Syed’s reputation among radical
nationalist Indian historians is as an arch-reactionary colla-
borator is largely unwarranted. He was simply unusually
successful in extracting money and attention from the Brit-
ish government in a period when the most advanced politi-
cians were bound to co-operate with government on matters
concerning education, government service and the needs of
their own community.

Syed Ahmed’s career as a practical social reformer began
in the i86os while he was a government servant in the
west of the North-Western Provinces (later the United
Provinces and now Uttar Pradesh), and Graham first met
him in 1864 when he was an Assistant Inspector-General of
Police in the Agra district. Syed Ahmed was then deeph
concerned about the reluctance of Muslims to adopt Western
education, and started the Ghazipore Translation Society,
which was to publish translated works of science and litera-
ture by major Western writers. Several well-known person-
alities of the day, both English and Indian, became patrons
of the society, which proved to be the precursor of the

Vlll

Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College of Aligarh.

Undoubtedly, Syed Ahmed is best remembered by his
countrymen as the founder of this college, which was de-
signed to produce young gentlemen in the style of Harrow
and Cambridge. On his enterprising visit to these institu-
tions in 1869 when on a tour of England and Europe, Syed
Ahmed had been very impressed by Western civilization as
represented by Victorian England, and he strove to create an
educational programme that would produce future leaders
of the Muslim community equipped to cope with both East
and West. The college succeeded in educating and training
men from aristocratic and wealthy families, who had lost
their traditional military and governmental occupations at
the outset of British rule and had failed to adapt to the
new, highly competitive society in India where, for the first
time, an English-educated professional class was coming into
its own.

But increasingly Syed Ahmed^s concern with education
led him into semi-political associations, such as the many
‘anjumans’ (literary societies) which sprang up in the Muslim
towns of upper India in the 1870s. The earliest and most
important of this type of organization was The British-India
Association of the North-Western Provinces, which was
founded at Aligarh in 1866. This not only considered
questions of education but petitioned the Government on
political matters affecting landlords and educated people of
the district.

Syed Ahmed was politically a pragmatist and his energies
in the 1870s were largely devoted to furthering education
for his community. But in the 1880s he w'as suddenly
challenged by the emergence of All-India nationalist politics

and the Indian National Congress. His reaction to this was
not a calculated statement of a political philosophy aimed at
proving that Hindus and Muslims were two nations, so
much as an immediate response to what he regarded as a
threat to the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College and
those who supported it. In fact Syed*s political views never
formed a unified philosophy; they arose from reactions to
immediate political events and the necessity to safeguard
Muslim interests. From 1857 to about 1870, Syed Ahmed
concentrated on explaining to the government the agitation
which had culminated in the Indian Mutiny; an agitation
largely led by the Muslims. He felt that Muslims had suf-
fered greatly at British hands, and yet it was vital to restore
them to the confidence and patronage of their rulers. His
interpretation of the events of 1857 gave Syed Ahmed his
first chance to step into the limelight as a spokesman for his
community.

The second phase of his political career was directed to-
wards counteracting the secular nationalism of the Indian
National Congress, founded in 1885. He organized The
Indian Patriotic Association in August 1888 and, under its
aegis, regional and isolated Islamic *anjumans’ combined
to protest against the political programme of the Congress
based upon the assumption of majority Hindu rule. In this
connexion Syed Ahmed was one of the first to assess the
implications of the Urdu-Hindi controversy as a reason for
the cultural and political gap between the two communities.

Yet Sir Syed’s ‘loyalism’ was never unconditional and in
the middle 1890s, before his death, there are several signs
of increasing disenchantment with British policy. He was
afraid that the Legislative Council, extended to includfc

X

electoral constituencies in 1892, would harm Muslim inter-
ests by giving power to a Hindu majority. The agitation by
the Hindus against cow-slaughter, which came to a head in
1894, was seen as a direct threat to Muslim identity and the
government was felt to have responded to this inadequately.
In general, by 1895, the Anglo-Muslim honeymoon of the
1870s, when Muslim leadership in India was almost un-
animous in its support of the Raj, had passed. The way was
now clear for a new generation of Muslim leaders such as
Viqar al-Mulk and Muhsin al-Mulk, who felt they had some-
thing to offer but only at their own price.

Even from this brief sketch, it can be seen that Sir Syed*s
career and writings had many facets; he was much more
complex than is often appreciated, even by his supporters.
But it is precisely this which makes an investigation of the
literary origins of the legend of Sir Syed Ahmed so import-
ant. One major event in the creation of his reputation was
the publication in 1885 of Colonel Graham's book.

II

‘The Life and Work of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’ has all the
virtues and weaknesses of the conventional Victorian bio-
graphy. Colonel George Farquhar Irving Graham, the
biographer, knew his subject intimately and had been
closely associated with him for more than twenty-five
years. In fact Graham, like Theodore Morison, Theodore
Beck and Thomas Walker Arnold, was one of the half-
dozen Englishmen of the period seriously drawn to Muslim
culture who did much to form an indulgent attitude
towards Muslims among the British. This attitude was
based on sympathy rather than expediency and persisted

xi

after the late 1890*5 when the official policy of Sir Antony
Macdonnell, one of the most powerful Lieutenant-Gov-
ernors of the North-Western Provinces, moved sharply
towards the promotion of Hindu interests. Graham succeed-
ed in presenting Syed Ahmed as undoubtedly ‘the
Mohammedan of his day in India* and the book was
hailed as ‘one of the most important books of the season*.
Yet when presented with it, Syed Ahmed with characteristic
modesty described the book as the ‘favour of Graham to
Syed Ahmed’.

Graham, born on the 3rd December 1840, the son of a
Scottish ‘Writer to the Signet’, was persuaded by his
mother to join the Indian service as a cadet in the Bengal
Infantry in December 1856. After a thorough ‘classical and
mathematicar education, he had been sent to a Moravian
Institute in Germany to familiarize himself with French
and German.

Graham was first commissioned in 1856 as a military
officer, but later was seconded to the Civil Service of the
North-Western Provinces and rose to the rank of District
Superintendent of Police in Etah; Syed Ahmed was an
Assistant District Magistrate in Benares not far from Etah,
but it was while both men were stationed at Ghaziporc
that they first met. Between i860 and 1886, when Graham
was commissioned as a Colonel, he spent most of his time
as a police officer in the North-Western Provinces, but he
was not a distinguished member of the ruling elite.

Graham and Sir Syed were temperamentally very different.
Graham was a shy man and he was only persuaded to speak
in public twice in 22 years. At the same time he became a
fervent supporter of Sir Syed’s educational pursuits, and

zii

admired the ability with which the latter exercised his
great energy and skill in public speaking and in persuasion
of both his slow-moving Muslim compatriots and Govern-
ment officials.

Unlike other Muslim Indians of his time, who tended
to limit their social sphere to Indians, Syed Ahmed had a
wide circle of acquaintances, including most of the dis-
tinguished Englishmen of his day. Apart from their many
mutual friends, he was on cordial terms with Sir Alfred
Lyall, Allan Octavian Hume (founder of the Indian
National Congress), Sir Charles Elliott, Lord Ripon, Sir
William Muir, Lord Lytton, Sir John Strachey and Sir
Auckland Colvin. A large number of these were support-
ers and patrons of the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental
College, and Graham also knew them. Apart from their
many mutual friends and interests, the two men shared a
common belief in the urgent need for sincerity and real
communication between the rulers and the ruled, if the
Empire was to have a future in India. Thus Syed Ahmed
felt that Graham’s book illustrated that 'such friendship
and sympathy is quite possible between Europeans and
natives of India’. In actual practice, however, this relation-
ship was one of the few exceptions to the general
misunderstanding and ignorance that existed between the
two races.

The uniqueness of a biography about an Indian by an
Englishman at this time should not blind us to its limita-
tions. Most important is that Graham’s book includes no
record of Sir Syed’s last ten years. The author admits that
after 1888 they never corresponded, yet 1888, the year
when Sir Syed opposed the emerging Indian National

Congress most strenuously, was in many ways the turning
point of his subject's career. Neither, of course, is there
any mention of the development of Aligarh College in
the crucial last few years of Sir Syed's life when the conflicts
between his son Syed Mahmud and Viqar al-Mulk opened a
new era in Muslim politics in Northern India. For all its
importance as source material, serious objection can also
be made to some aspects of Graham's treatment of Syed's
earlier years. The book was obviously written for a
European audience; little attempt was made to set Sir Syed
against his Indian and Muslim background. We hear nothing
about the objections of the more distinguished of his
contemporaries, for instance of Nazir Ahmed, Akbar
Allahabadi, and Shibli Numani. The former in fact voiced
his criticisms of Sir Syed's westernized way of life in a
satirical novel called ‘Ibn al-Waqt' (The Time-Server). As
an Islamic theologian he was criticised by his contemporar-
ies, of all shades of political opinion. The ‘Ulema’ of
Deoband under the leadership of Maulanas Gangohi and
Nanotawi, issued ‘fatwas' against his heretical ‘Nechari’
philosophy. Maulana Gangohi succeeded Maulana Nanotawi
in 1880 as the chief spokesman of the Dar-al-ulum (a
higher school of religious instruction) and as his main
interest lay in ‘Hadith and ‘Fiqh’ (Muslim jurisprudence),
he even opposed the teaching of natural philosophy at
Deoband.

Though Sir Syed considered religion an essential prerequis-
ite to progress, he reasoned that the religious zealots were
interpreting all aspects of life in the light of religion. The
orthodox ‘Ulema* overemphasized the four schools of
‘Fiqh* (Laws) as an infallible dogma of Islam. In fact, the

xiv

concepts of ‘ijtihad’ and ‘taqlid* (interpretation of the
Quran and the Sunna) were to be exercised by every
thinking Muslim for himself. Sir Sycd believed that since
the Caliphate had degenerated into hereditary monarchy,
Muslim governments had ceased to owe allegiance to the
sovereignty of Islamic law. Therefore his endeavours to
weaken the Muslim attachment to the Caliphate were
greeted with suspicion and distrust. The Pan-Islamic
movement, led by Jamal al>Din Afghani and the Turkish
Sultan, countered Sir Syed’s efforts at every turn. For the
majority of Muslims the final rupture with the Caliphate
did not take place until it ceased to exist in 1924.

Thus, although Indian Muslims followed Sir Syed’s lead in
education and politics, his religious views provoked critic-
ism within the community. Even at Aligarh attempts were
made in the early years to control his religious authority
in the college theology classes, at the request of the more
orthodox parents and teachers. Ultimately a new generation
of Muslim students thrived upon the enlightened rational-
ism propounded by Sir Sycd.

Not all his contemporaries, however, were opposed to
Sir Sycd, and apart from the many and exacting offices that
he held during his long lifetime, and the countless relation-
ships that he maintained with friends, he managed to
pursue his intellectual interests in history, philosophy,
religion (*kalam’) and politics. As early as 1844, when a
civil servant in Fatehpur-Sikri, he studied the local antiqui-
ties with great accuracy, culminating in the publication of
the ‘Archaeological History of the Ruins of Delhi’, for
which he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society.

During the Mutiny of 1857, Sir Sycd Ahmed held firmly

XV

to the belief that the rulers were to be reconciled with the
people rather than ousted, and he analysed the policies of
the rulers which were misunderstood by the natives, as well
as the unsympathetic attitudes of some short-sighted
Englishmen, such as the missionaries, in ‘The Causes of
the Indian Revolt* (1858). Written in Urdu, this was
translated by Sir Auckland Colvin and Graham himself, and
published in English in 1873.

It is, however, unfortunate that not many of his numerous
works shared this fate; the great majority of his books have
never been translated into English, with the result that
Graham’s biography becomes even more important, as a
primary source for those unacquainted with Urdu. Even
attempts at writing his biography in Urdu have been
largely uncritical (for instance, Altaf Hussayn Hali), and a
scholarly biography by a modern historian is still awaited.

The weakness of Graham’s book lies more in the
limitations of the biographer than in any inadequacy in
the distinguished subject; the Colonel was not a great
stylist, as is evident from his repetition and from his
diversions from the subject in hand. In fact, in many ways
the first edition proved to be more of a political pamphlet.
In his eagerness to portray Sir Syed as a westernised,
emancipated and liberal figure, he omits to put him in the
context of his Muslim contemporaries. There is little or
no information about Sir Syed’s colleagues at Aligarh and
outside Northern India. Like any other Victorian bio-
graphy, it is very conscious of status, this attitude being
reinforced by a didactic and moralising tone and by a
condescension towards the native subject. The English
newspapers reacted predictably:

xvi

* . . . . how much may be done by private
individuals towards promoting the culture as
well as the well-being of the magnificent
Empire in which they live.’ (The Daily
Telegraph)

*A book which should be read by all
Englishmen who desire to know .... ‘the
brooding East’. And it should especially be
read by all Englishmen, official or otherwise,
whose lot may be cast in India.’ (The Broad
Arrow)

It can be said that in this, his only publication, Graham
sought to justify the ways of a Muslim to non-Muslims,
and that in this must lie the charm and value of the
book. It is the portrait of an age and of a state of mind, of
Victorian India. Graham’s estimate of Sir Syed Ahmed as
a ‘loyal Citizen’ was not complete, because, as he himself
regretfully admits, he lost touch with Sir Syed from 1888
onwards, that is, in the more complicated political years
of Sir Syed*s career. Had Graham continued his acquaintance
with Sir Syed, he would have been forced to reconsider the
complex character with whom he was dealing. It is unfor-
tunate that when the second (revised) edition of the book
was published in 1909, it was not brought up to date.

Graham’s book should not be seen merely as a passive
reflection of the life and times of Syed Ahmed. For it was
also a major step in the creation of the legend of Sir Syed
Ahmed, which became a potent historical force in its own
right. Graham first put forward the idea that it was through
the educated Muslim Indians of Aligarh that the British
rulers should communicate with their Indian Muslim
subjects. But this belief helped to reinforce the position
of Sir Syed and of Aligarh as the only channel of such

communication. The second stage in this process came
with the book’s second edition in 1909. This coincided
with the attempts of the Aligarh leadership to create a
permanent political organisation for Muslim India, in the
formation of the Muslim League. Graham’s addenda in the
second edition reinforced the element of political pamph-
leteering which already existed in the first. He hoped that
the Muslims would make a tactical alliance with the British
Government against the Congress for the preservation of
their national identity, and Sir Syed Ahmed and his works
were invoked as precursors of their policy. It is, however,
a very long way from the Ghazipore Translation Society to
the Muslim League, and the reader of Graham’s book must
always beware of reading into the 1870’s the communal
conflicts of the twentieth century.

At the same time the importance of a book written by
a Victorian Englishman in praise of a ‘native’, even one as
distinguished and as acceptable as Sir Syed Ahmed, cannot
be over-emphasized. In publishing such a book, Graham not
only brought Sir Syed to the forefront of Muslim leaders
of the late 19th century, but also made the India Office
conscious of the desires and aspirations of a new generation
of Muslim thinkers, a process which had been initiated
some years previously by W.W. Hunter.

St. Antony’s College
Oxford

ZAITUNA Y. UMER

PREFACE.

It is now nearly a quarter of a century since Syed
Ahmed’s “ Life ” appeared in print. Soon after its
publication he was made a K.C.S.I. Eleven years
have elapsed since his death in 1898, and I have deemed
it advisable to publish this new and cheap edition,
including some of his hitherto unpublished letters to me,
and an Appendix.

The book, like the 1885 edition, is a brief account of
his life and work.

His name will be handed down to posterity as that of
a man who was determined to do everything he could to
bring his co-religionists into line with the rest of the
world as regards education.

His main obstacle was their dislike to modern
education.

The establishment of the Allygurh College was the
crowning of his work, and it is by that work that his
name will always be reverenced amongst Mohammedans
and, indeed, by Indians of other creeds.

He had to face the keenest opposition and was even
threatened with assassination.

He will also be remembered as one who did his
utmost to bring about a good feeling between the rulers
and the ruled, to make them a united brotherhood.

working hand in hand for the good of our great
Empire.

It is a matter of pride to me that H.R.H. The Duke
of Connaught, who knows India well, has permitted
this new edition to be dedicated to him.

G. F. 1. Graham.

London, E.C.,

November^ igog.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

PAGE

BIRTH AND FAMILY — THE OLD COURT OF DELHI —

ENTERED THE BRITISH SERVICE ARCHiEOLOGICAL

HISTORY OF DELHI ... ... ... 1

CHAPTER II.

THE ANTIQUITIES OF DELHI SUBORDINATE JUDGE OF

BIJNORE ... ... ... ... 8

CHAPTER III.

THE MUTINY OF BIJNORS — ATTACK ON THE JAIL

INTERVIEWS WITH A REBEL CHIEF ESCAPE OF

THE EUROPEANS MADE ADMINISTRATOR OF THE

DISTRICT ESCAPE TO MEERUT VISIT TO HIS

ANCESTRAL HOME IN DELHI REWARDS FOR

SERVICES

15

CHAPTER IV.

PAGE

THE CAUSES OF THE INDIAN REVOLT PRIMARY

CAUSE OF THE REBELLION NON-ADMISSION OF A

NATIVE TO THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL STATE

INTERFERENCE WITH RELIGION MISSIONARY

SCHOOLS REVENUE AND LAND ADMINISTRATION

NECESSITY OF GENERAL SYMPATHY BETWEEN
GOVERNORS AND GOVERNED— ARMY SYSTEM ... 24

CHAPTER V.

THE LOYAL MOHAMMEDANS OF INDIA — THEIR SERVICES
IGNORED — LIST OF REWARDS-— COMMENTARY ON
THE BIBLE ... ... ... ... 40

CHAPTER VI.

THE ALLYGUR.^ SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY INAUGURAL

SPEECHES TRANSLATIONS GHAZIPORE COLLEGE... 49

CHAPTER VII.

EDUCATIONAL MEETING AT BADAON SPEECH ON

NECESSITY OF INDIAN AFFAIRS BEING MORE

PROMINENTLY BROUGHT BEFORE PARLIAMENT

PRESENTED WITH GOLD MEDAL BY LORD LAWRENCE
DETERMINED ON TAKING HIS SON TO CAMBRIDGE 58

CHAPTER VIII.

SYED AHMED IN ENGLAND RECEIVED BY LORD

LAWRENCE, LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, ETC. —

MADE C.S.I.— SPEECH AT SMEATONIAN SOCIETY

PETITION TO THE DUKE OF ARGYLL— “ ESSAYS ON

THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED ” ... ... 64

CHAPTER IX.

PAGE

SYED AHMED'S LETTERS FROM ENGLAND JOURNEY

ACROSS INDIA — THE BARODA — MISS CARPENTER

A RELIGIOUS DISCUSSION SEA-SICKNESS— ADEN

EGYPT MARSEILLES ... ... ... 76

CHAPTER X

LETTER FROM LONDON .. ... ... 125

CHAPTER XI.

RETURN TO INDIA -- MISUNDERSTANDING WITH SIR

WILLIAM MUIR SOCIAL REFORMS MOHAMMEDAN

OPPOSITION ... ... ... 133

CHAPTER Xll.

REPLY TO DR. W. W. HUNTER’s “ INDIAN MUSSUL-
MANS** WAHABIISM — THE FRONTIER FANATICS ... 141

CHAPTER XIIL

THE MOHAMMEDAN ANGLO- ORIENTAL COLLEGE PRIZE

ESSAYS — RETURN OF SYED MAHMUD OPENING OF

THE ANGLO-ORIENTAL COLLEGE OF ALLYGURH —

SYED AHMED*S RETIREMENT SIR WILLIAM MUIK*S

VISIT TO ALLYGURH LAYING FOUNDATION STONE

OF COLLEGE DINNER AT THE ALLYGURH INSTITUTE 159

CHAPTER XIV.

THE HISTORY OF THE COLLEGE CONTINUED — THE

FIRST REPORT THE VISIT OF THE AMEER OF

AFGHANISTAN — HIS TRENCHANT REMARKS — HIS
STRONG WORDS OF ADVICE AND CAUTION ... 190

CHAPTER XV.

SYED AHMED IN THE VICEREGAL COUNCIL — THE
DEKKHAN AGRICULTURISTS* RELIEF BILL— EDUCA-
TION COMMISSION — VISIT FROM SIR SALAR JANG

EDUCATION COMMISSION IN THE NORTH-WEST

VISIT TO THE PUNJAB UNPUBLISHED LETTERS ...

APPENDIX.

HIGHER EDUCATION IN INDIA DEPUTATION TO LORD

MINTO — LORD MORLEY*S INDIAN REFORM BILL ...

INDEX.

r«AGB

202

270

287

LIFE AND WORK

OF

SIR SYED AHMED KHAN.

CHAPTER I.

BIRTH AND FAMILY THE OLD COURT OF DELHI ENTER

THE BRITISH SERVICE ARCHAEOLOGICAL HISTORY OF

DELHI.

Syed Ahmed Khan, since the death of Sir Salar Jang
the foremost Mohammedan in India as regards force
of character, influence over his fellow-men, and literary
ability, was born at Delhi on the 17th October 1817.
His paternal and maternal ancestors were men of mark
under the Mogul empire. His great-great-grandfather,
Syed Hadi, was a native of Herat, who afterwards
settled in Hindustan. His grandson, Syed Ahmed’s
grandfather, in the reign of Alamgir II. was given the
titles of Jowahid Ali Khan and Jowadud Dowla, com-
mander of 1000 foot and 500 horsemen, each of the

2

Syed Ahmed Khan.

latter having two or three horses, i Syed Ahmed
Khan’s father, Syed Mohomad Takki, was a recluse —
a man of deep religious feeling — and, on his father’s
death,^ declined all titles from the Emperor, though
offered those of his father.

Syed Ahmed’s maternal grandfather was Khwajeh
Fariduddin Ahmed, a man of great ability, who went
to Calcutta about the year 1791, and accompanied the
embassy sent in 1799 by Lord Wellesley to Persia as
attach^. On his return to Calcutta he was appointed
Political Officer at the Court of Ava, where he stayed
some years, returned to Calcutta, and revisited his
native city after a prolonged absence. Once more, in
the reign of Akbar II., we find him at Calcutta. Soon
afterwards Syed Ahmed Khan’s father was offered the
prime-ministership by the Emperor ; but he thanked his
Majesty for this signal mark of his favour, and respect-
fully represented that his father-in-law at Calcutta was
the best man for the post. Akbar acted upon his
advice, sent for Khwajeh Fariduddin, and made him
Prime Minister, with the title of Nawab Dabir ud
Dowlal Amin ul Mulk Khwajeh Fariduddin Khan
Bahadur Masleh Jang.^ The Emperor, although a
ruler but in name, clung with Eastern tenacity to the
empty pomp of a Court, and titles were still of as great
value in his and his courtiers’ estimation as they had
been in the palmy days of the Mogul empire. General
Ochterlony was at this time the British Resident at
Delhi, and he and the Prime Minister and Syed Ahmed

1 Persian of this is, ** Hazarizat o Panj seh Sawar do o seh aspa.”

9 Titles were not hereditary under the Mogul empire.

3 There were three orders of nobility : 1st those ending with
“ ul Mulk which corresponds to our duke ; 2d, those ending in
** ud Dowla,*’ or earl ; and 3d, those ending in ** Jang,” or baron.

4 Trustee of the country and instructor of war.

The Court at Delhi,

3

Khan’s father were close allies, the General being in
the habit of visiting them at all hours of the day and
night.

The Syed had an interesting relic of those days in
the shape of a photograph of a picture taken by the
then Court painter, the original being now in the
possession of the artist’s descendants at Delhi. In
this, amongst the crowd of princes and nobles who ire
represented standing in two lines in front of the
Emperor, are the figures of General Ochterlony and the
Prime Minister side by side^ The General is in full
dress, cocked-hat on head, leaning on the jarib^ or

staff of honour,” given him by the Emperor. The
Prime Minister has also the jarih in his hand. The
scene is the famous Diwan-UAam or ” general
audience-hall ” in the palace at Delhi, and the Emperor
is depicted seated in state on the celebrated peacock
throne. Khwajeh Fariduddin held the prime-minister-
ship for eight or nine years.

Syed Ahmed, when about six years old, one day ran
from the women’s apartments to his grandfather’s
rooms, where, perceiving General Ochterlony seated
with him, he turned to go back, but was recalled, and
told to go and speak to the General. General Ochter-
lony took him on his knee, and after a little, the young
Syed quietly asked him why he wore feathers in his hat
(the General had been to Court and was in full dress),
and so many gold buttons on his coat. The General
was much amused at the youngster’s curiosity, which
remained ungratified. General Ochterlony not long
after this — f.e., in 1825 — died of a broken heart at his
supersession by Metcalfe. Khwajeh Fariduddin did not
long survive him, as he died in the following year.
Syed Ahmed’s father, Syed Mohomad Takki, was the

4

Syed Ahmed Khan.

most intimate of the Emperor’s friends, and the only
one permitted to sit in his presence. Etiquette pre-
vented any one from sitting ; so the Emperor, who sat
on a small square platform with his legs crossed, would
quietly let one foot hang down, and Syed Mohomad
Takki would seat himself on the ground on the pretence
of shampooing it : etiquette and convenience were thus
mutually served. When a youth, Syed Ahmed used to
be constantly in the palace, and often received robes of
honour from the Emperor. One morning, when he
should have been at Court to receive one of these marks
of royal favour, he overslept himself. His horse, an
old Deccani one, thirty years old, but still full of spirit,
was brought to the door, and the Syed rode slowly —
being afraid of its running away — to the palace. The
official whose duty it was to give out the robes of
honour in which the recipients appeared before the
Emperor, called to him to be quick, put on his robe,
and Syed Ahmed hurried into the presence. He found
that the Emperor had risen from the throne and had
entered the species of sedan-chair in which he used to
be carried about the palace. Syed Ahmed’s name, as
was the custom, was called out by the chamberlain,
and the Emperor mentioned his being late to the Syed’s
father, who was standing by him. The Emperor was
not displeased, however, and after proceeding a short
distance, stopped in the picture-chamber and sent for
Syed Ahmed, took him by the hand, and asked him
why he was late. The Syed replied that he had over-
slept himself, and that, as he was afraid of his horse
running away with him, he had been delayed on the
road. The courtiers were aghast at his daring to tell
the truth, and hinted to him the necessity of saying
something complimentary to the Emperor ; but Syed

Reception by the Emperor,

5

Ahmed insisted that it was nothing but the truth, and
that he could give no other answer. The child was the
father of the man. The Emperor laughed heartily, and
himself invested the Syed with the usual necklace of
pearls, and the jewel of honour for the head. The
respect and esteem in which Syed Ahmed’s father was
held by the courtiers were enhanced by the Emperor’s
graciousness to his son.

On Khwajeh Fariduddin’s death, Mohomad Takki
Khan, as was the custom, went on the third day after
the death to Court to receive the usual khilatj or robe
of honour, which was given by the Emperor to denote
that the time for mourning was over. Shah Alam was
then on the throne, but the empire was in ruins. The
Emperor sent his chamberlain to Mohomad Takki with
a message to the effect that he would be presented with
the usual khilat the next day in Durbar. Syed
Ahmed’s father sent back the message, that “ as there
is no army, and no place to fight, what is the use of the
titles [his father-in-law’s] to me? ”

On his father’s death in 1836, Syed Ahmed, who was
then nineteen years old, was invested by Bahadur
Shah, the last Emperor of Delhi, with his grandfather’s
titles, and with the additional one of Arif Jang, or
Master of War. The only time that he was engaged
in war — 1.^., in the Mutiny — he cert ii^ily did his best to
do credit to his title. Syed Ahmtd was educated at
first at home by his mother, who up to his twelfth year
used to make him repeat to her at night what he had
learnt during the day. He learnt no Ejiglish. In
January 1837 he stoppedTus education, and, greatly
against the inclination of his relatives, entered the
British service as Shiristehdar of the Criminal Depart-
ment in the Sadr Amin’s office at Delhi. In February

6

Syed Ahmed Khan.

1839 he was transferred to Agra as Naib Munshi or
deputy reader in the office of the Commissioner of that
Division, Mr. (afterwards Sir Robert) Hamilton. In
December 1841 he became Munsif or Sub- Judge of
Fatehpur Sikri, Akbar’s capital for ten years, now
famous for its ruins, and was transferred to Delhi in
January 1846. The following letter from Sir Robert
Hamilton is interesting, as showing that Syed Ahmed
had already commenced his literary labours : —

My Dear Lindsay, — It is not my habit to introduce
people, but the bearer has been studying for employ-
ment, and you will see the fruits of his labours in his
“ Transcript and Analysis of the Regulations.” He is
of good family, and I had intended to give him a situa-
tion, which he deserves for his assiduity and exertions,
if you will do something for him [sic]. He is very
timid, but clever. Named Syed Ahmed.

Colin Lindsay, Esquire.

This letter is undated, but must have been written prior
to the year 1846. The trace of timidity in Syed Ahmed
soon passed, however, and in 1844 wrote his second
literary work, the ” Archaeological History of the Ruins
of Delhi.” This was but coldly received in England ;
but on a French translation of it by M. Garcin de Tassy
appearing, it was appreciated according to its merits,
and afterwards, in 1864, procured for Syed Ahmed the
honour of a Fellowship of the Royal Asiatic Society.
The following is the letter conferring this distinction
upon him : —

Royal Asiatic Society,

5, New Burlington Street, London,
20th July^ 1864.

Dear Sir, — I have great pleasure in bringing to your
notice that at a meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society,
held on July 4th, you were unanimously created an

The Royal Asiatic Society.

7

honorary member of the Society. The diploma second-
ing your election will be sent out to you as soon as a
safe opportunity offers. In congratulating you on this
well-deserved mark of distinction, I trust .it may be
gratifying to you to know that your researches on
Indian antiquities are duly appreciated, both in this
country and abroad. — I have, &c., your most obedient
Servant,

Rbinhold Rost, Secretary.

A second edition of this work appeared in 1854.

8

CHAPTER 11 .

THE ANTIQUITIES OF DELHI SUBORDINATE JUDGE OF

BIJNORB.

Syed Ahmed commences his “ Archaeological History **
with a list of 142 Hindu and 59 Mohammedan rulers of
Delhi from the year 1400 b.c. up to 1853 a.d. He
then gives a list of the various cities and forts which
have composed it — nineteen in all. The name
“ Delhi ” has been variously accounted for, some
historians thinking that it was named after Dhalip, a
ruler of Oudh, who lived prior to Raja Judishter, the
first sovereign of Delhi mentioned by Syed Ahmed.
He, however, does not believe this, as in old Hindu
histories the city is always called “ Inderpristh.” He
is of opinion that it was called after Raja Dehlu of
Kanauj, to whom the Rajas of Inderpristh owed alle-
giance, and that its original name was Dehlu. This
was about the time of the arrival of Alexander the
Great, as Raja Dehlu was slain in battle by Raja Puru
(the Porus of Alexander), who was afterwards defeated
by the great conqueror on the Sutlej. This, Syed
Ahmed says, points to the date of the city being called
Dehlu, being about the year 328 B.c.

The Old Fort, situated about two miles to the south-
east of the city, is said in the “ Ain Akbari ” to have

Antiquities of Delhi,

9

been built by Raja Anakpal Tonuri in the year 372 a.d.,
and other later historians have all taken this as correct.
Syed Ahmed, however, points out the error of the
author of the “ Ain Akbari,” as in the year 372
Anakpal was not the ruler. Raja Bhim Chand ruling
from 368 to 380 A.D., and Anakpal not coming to the
throne till the year 676 a.d., when, as is pointed out,
he built this fort.

The Fort of Rat Pithora^ the Chowhan Thakur
ruler, was built by him in the year 1147 a.d. Although
now in ruins, walls, &c., still remain, as also traces of
embankments which served to store up water sufficient
for the yearly wants of the inhabitants. Syed Ahmed
measured the height of the remaining wall to the west,
and found it to be sixty-five feet high.

The Ghazni Gate Fortification was called so from the
fact that the Ghazni army entered the city through it.
It is supposed to have been erected by Raja Rai
Pithora.

The “ White Palace ** Fort, inside the last-named
fort, was built by Kutub-ud-din Aibak in 1205 a.d. ;
and in it, at a grand Durbar in 1241 a.d., occurred the
murder of Malik Ikhtyar-ud-din, the Prime Minister of
Moiz-ud-din Bairam Shah. In it Sultan Nasir-ud-din
Mahmud, son of Shamsh-ud-din Altamsh, was crowned;
and here also the ambassador of Hailaki Khan was
received by Sultan Nasir-ud-din in 1259 a.d. — the
assembly to meet him being very numerous and
imposing. Sultan Ghias-ud-din Balban was also
crowned here. No trace of the fort is now to be
found.

The Hell Fort, — There is one thing that Syed Ahmed
tells of this building, which reminds one of the Sanc-
tuary at Holy rood. “In Ghias-ud-din Balin’s time it

lo Syed Ahmed Khan.

was the custom that any malefactor who succeeded in
getting into this fort could not be arrested.” Its extra-
ordinary name is not due to its builder, Sultan Ghias-
ud-din Balin, as it was called by him Ghiaspur in 1267
A.D., the year that it was built. Succeeding genera-
tions must have given it this nickname.

The Noble Palace . — ^This palace was built by Sultan
Moiz-ud-din Kai Kobad in 1286 a.d., and is famous as
the resting-place of Humayum, the grandfather of
Akbar the Great. The poet Amir Khusroh in the
” Koran ul Sadin ” says, ” I call this not a palace — I
call it Paradise.”

The Palace of the Thousand Pillars . — ^This was built
by Ala-ud-din Khilji in 1303 a.d., and in it thousands of
the conquered Moguls were trampled to death by
elephants, their heads being thrown in a heap outside
the fort gate. It was also here, in 13 ii a.d., that the
Emperor received the prodigious plunder taken from
the Carnatic, — t.e., 312 elephants, 20,000 horses, 96
maunds (each 80 lb.) of gold, and hundreds of boxes
filled with gold ornaments, pearls, dnd other jewels.

Toghlakabad. — Ghias-ud-din Toghlak Shah com-
menced this city and fort in 1321 a.d., and it was
finished with great rejoicings in 1323 a.d. Syed Ahmed
says that it is supposed to have consisted of fifty-six
detached forts, and to have had fifty-two gates ; but it
is in such a ruinous state now that it was impossible
for him to verify this. Toghlakabad is twelve miles
east of Delhi.

The Adilabad, alias Mohommedabad or Thou^
sand Pillars Fort, was built in 1327 a.d. by Sultan
Mahomed Adil Toghlak Shah close to Toghlakabad.
Its thousand pillars were of marble, and it was built
more as a pleasure-house than a fort.

Antiquities of Delhi,

II

The Firoz Shah Fort was built by the ruler of that
name in 1354, and he brought to it the famous “ pillar
of Asoka ” from Nohra in Khizrabad. This ruler also
in this year commenced a new city called Firozabad,
close to Delhi, which attained to a great size. It was
five kosl long.

The Shooting Palace was built by Firoz Shah about
3 kos distant from Firozabad, and it was before it that
the hosts of Timour encamped for the first time in
1398 A.D., before they attacked Delhi itself. There,
also, is the second lat or pillar of Asoka, brought by
Firoz Shah from the neighbourhood of Mirat.

The Mobarikahad Fort was commenced by Sultan
Mobarik Shah in 1433 a.d., and he used personally to
superintend its erection. Before it was finished, how-
ever, he was murdered in it by his nobles, who placed
Mahomed Shah on the throne. It is commonly sup-
posed that the site of this fort is where the tomb of
Mobarik Shah faces that of Safder Jang, near which is
the village called Mobarikpur Kotila. Syed Ahmed,
however, did not agree to this, for the following reason.
He said — “ In the histories of that time it is distinctly
said that Mobarik Shah built this fort on the banks
of the river ; and as it is undoubted that no river then
ran alongside Mobarikpur Kotila, it therefore follows
that the popular opinion as to the site of this fort is
wrong. In my opinion, the real spot is the village of
Mobarikpur Rethi (Sandy), on the banks of the
Jumna.”

The foregoing extracts have been taken from the first
and second chapters of Syed Ahmed’s work. The
third chapter contains a description of the iron lat or

I A ko9 varies, according to the locality, from one and a half to
two miles.

12

Syed Ahmed Khan.

pillar made by Raja Dhawa in the year 895 b.c., now at
the Kutub ; the Asoka pillar, called that of Firoz Shah,
made by Raja Asoka in 298 b.c., now in the Firoz Shah
Fort ; the Asoka pillar, made by the same Raja in the
same year, now at the Shooting Palace ; the Anekpar
Fort, built by Anekpal Tomar (a Rajput) in 676 a.d. ;
the Anek tank, built by Anekpal in 676 a.d. ; the “ Sun
tank,” built by Surajpal in 686 a.d. ; the temple at the
Kutub ; and a number of other places, — amounting in
all to 134.

The iron pillar at the Kutub is ornamented at the top.
Its height is 22 feet 6 inches, and its girth is 5 feet
3 Inches. There is a story to the effect that in Rai
Pithora’s time the pundits had buried this pillar on the
head of Raja Bassik (according to Hindus, the Lord
of the earth), in order that Rai Pithora’s successors
should always reign. This, how*ever, is all nonsense,
Syed Ahmed says. Three Sanskrit Slokes in the Nagri
character are engraved on this pillar, and their meaning
is, that the ruler of Scinde attacked Raja Dhaw^a with
his army, but was defeated ; that the Raja made this
pillar as a memento of his victory, but died before it
was completed, Mr, James Prinsep writes that very
little is known of this Raja, except that he was one of
the Hastanapur Rajas. He says that the Nagri
character in which the inscriptions on the pillar are
written, was in vogue in the third and fourth centuries
after Christ ; but he is of opinion that the pillar was
made in the eight century a.d. Syed Ahmed joined
issue with Mr. Prinsep on this point, and said that the
history of the Rajas from 676 a.d., up to the time of
the Mohammedan conquest, was complete and of
undoubted credibility, and in them there is no mention
of this Raja. Besides this, the fact of the date not

Antiquities of Delhi.

13

being on the pillar proved to Syed Ahmed’s satisfaction
that it must have been made prior to the time of
Bikrmajit (ii a.d.), as after that ruler it was invariably
the custom to mark the year of the completion of any
work on it. Besides this, in the eighth century the
Hastanapur dynasty had been long extinct. For these
reasons, Syed Ahmed thought there could be no doubt
as to the fact of its being of the time of Raja Dhawa,
who was the nineteenth Raja of the Judishter dynasty ;
and although he had come to reside at Inderpristh, his
ancient capital was Hastanapur, and he was for this
reason called the Hastanapur Raja. He was of the
Bishnavi sect, and this is proved by what is written on
the pillar. Many historians make out that Raja Dhawa
ruled in the year 1905 b.c. ; but English historians who
have correctly worked out the time of Raja Judishter,
prove that Raja Dhawa ’s reign commenced in the year
895 B.c. Syed Ahmed also thought that the pillar was
at first incomplete, but that later on some Raja
inscribed the present inscription on it, in order to show
why Raja Dhawa had had it made, and that this Raja
then placed the pillar in the ground, probably in either
the third or fourth century after Christ. When Raja
Rai Pithora built a fort and temple, this pillar was
included in the latter ; and when Kutub-ud-din Aibak
destroyed the temple and built a mosque, it was
included in the latter. There it still stands.

The Asoka, or Firoz Shah pillar, is of stone, and was
one of five, one of which was at Radhia, one at Mahtab,
one at Allahabad, one near Mirat, and the fifth at the
village of Nohreh. All five were made by Raja Asokah,
alias Biassi ; and on it there are two inscriptions — the
first with this Raja’s name on it — ^both written in the
Pali and Sanskrit languages. The letters are very old

14

Syed Ahmed Khan,

— prior to those of the Deonagri type. The inscrip-
tions teach the Buddhist tenets — ^tell us not to harm any
living thing, and not to punish malefactors with death
or the cutting off of a limb. For many centuries no
one could read this ; and Firoz Shah was also unable to
decipher it, although he assembled many pundits for the
purpose. Mr. James Prinsep discovered the key, and
he says that Raja Asoka was the grandson of Chander
Gupta, and the Subahdar of Ujein, and that he began
to reign in the year 325 B.c. He constructed this
pillar in the year 298 b.c. Mohammedan historians say
that this Raja was a Cashmere Raja, and that the
whole of Hindustan, including Canouj, was under him.
There was some discussion on religious matters, which
his subjects resented, and dethroned him. Owing to
the religious tone of the inscription on this pillar, it is
pretty certain that it was made by the Raja Asoka, who
was ruler of Cashmere. These historians say that this
ruler was on the throne in the year 1373 b.c., but
Syed Ahmed agreed with Mr. Prinsep as to the date of
his reign. The second inscription on it is by Beldeo
Chowhan, who was formerly Beldeo Raja of Samber,
the birthplace of the Chowhans, and who inscribed his
name on this pillar. Assembling an army, he attacked
and conquered the Tenurs, who were the rulers of
Delhi. In the year 1163 a.d., Rai Pithora inscribed on
this pillar the victories of his ancestors in the Nagri
writing and Sanskrit tongue.

The foregoing summary will be sufficient to show
the nature of the contents of this work, and to bear
witness to Syed Ahmed’s labour and power of research.

In 1850, Syed Ahmed was posted to Rohtak as sub-
ordinate judge ; and in 1855 he was transferred in the
same capacity to Bijnore, where he remained till the
Mutiny broke out in May 1857.

15

CHAPTER III.

THE MUTINY AT BIJNORE ATTACK ON THE JAIL

INTERVIEWS WITH A REBEL CHIEF ESCAPE OF THE

EUROPEANS MADE ADMINISTRATOR OF THE DISTRICT

ESCAPE TO MEERUT VISIT TO HIS ANCESTRAL HOME IN

DELHI REWARDS FOR SERVICES.

During the anxious weeks that the English ladies,
gentlemen, and children remained in Bijnore, Syed
Ahmed Khan did all that man could do to render their
stay safe, and was ultimately the means of saving the
whole party. As Sir John Strachey, late Lieutenant-
Governor of the North-West Provinces, said of him in a
speech at Allygurh, on the iith December 1880 : “ No
man ever gave nobler proofs of conspicuous courage
and loyalty to the British Government than were given
by him in 1857 : no language that I could use would be
worthy of the devotion he showed.” A short account
of what he did do on this memorable occasion may
prove interesting. When the news of the Meerut
mutiny reached Bijnore on the 13th May, there were
the following European residents at that place : Mr.
and Mrs. Shakespeare, C.S., and child ; Mr. Palmer;
Dr. and Mrs. Knight ; Mr. R. Currie, C.S. ; Mr.
Lemaistre, Mrs. Lemaistre, and three children ; Mr.
Johnson ; Mr. and Mrs. Murphy, and four children ;

i6 Syed Ahmed Khan,

and Mr. Cawood. Syed Ahmed was Mr. Shakespeare’s
right hand in raising a body of loo Pathan horse and
foot ; and he also organised an intelligence department,
which brought daily news from Muradabad and
Bareilly.

About the end of May the bad characters of the
neighbouring villages attacked the jail. Some of the
prisoners escaped ; but the jail-guards Rred at and dis-
persed their assailants, and a large number of the
prisoners remained in custody. Syed Ahmed, Mr.
Shakespeare, and others, ran over on foot and aided in
the suppression of the imeute. Apprehensive of the
safety of the treasure, Syed Ahmed, with the consent
of the Magistrate, had it all thrown into a well. A few
days afterwards, when the Roorkee mutineers reached
Bijnore, matters became very critical. Two of their
subadars or native officers had an interview with Mr.
Shakespeare and Syed Ahmed, and it was mainly owing
to the arguments of the latter that they left the Euro-
peans unmolested, and proceeded on their way to join
Bakht Khan, the commander of the rebel forces at
Bareilly. Later on news was received of the intended
march of Bakht Khan at the head of the Bareilly
mutineers on Bijnore, and matters looked gloomy
indeed. The relief was great when it was ascertained
that he was marching on Delhi by another route.
Syed Ahmed now found that his Pathans were in league
with Nawab Mahmud Khan, a rebel chief, the son of
Gholam Moiddin Khan, alias Bambu Khan, and nephew
of Gholam Kadir Khan, who put out the eyes of Shah
Alam, Emperor of Delhi. Syed Ahmed endeavoured to
win him over to the side of the British, and sent him
several messages, but his efforts were not attended with
success. One night at 8 p.m. Syed Ahmed heard that

Residents surrounded by Rebels. 17

the Europeans^ who were all in one house, were being
surrounded by Mahmud Khan and his men, 800 strong,
who had marched rapidly and secretly on Bijnore.
Running over by a back way which he had had con-
structed, accompanied by Mir Turab Ally Tehsildar,
Rehmat Khan, Deputy-Collector, and Pertab Sing (now
Raja) of Tajpur, he found the house almost surrounded,
but luckily managed to get in undetected. A hurried
conference was held, and it was urged by the Europeans
that some one should go and have an interview with
Mahmud Khan, who was by this time seated on a large
bed some distance outside. Syed Ahmed volunteered,
took off his sword and pistol, and although urged to
retain them by Messrs. Shakespeare and Currie, went
out to the meeting unarmed. All around were the rebel
sentries, and Syed Ahmed was at once challenged by
one of them, and told not to proceed. Still pressing on,
he was challenged by another sentry, so he called out
to the Nawab, saying that he had come to have an
interview with him, and was a man of the pen and
unarmed. Being allowed to proceed, he went up to the
Nawab and begged him to speak with him aside.

The Nawab said, “ We are all brothers here ; say
what you have to say before us all.*’ Syed Ahmed
whispered to him that matters relating to the taking of
a province should not be talked over in public, on which
the Nawab rose and accompanied him some distance
apart. Syed Ahmed said, “ I have neither arms nor
money, but please accept my nuzzur (offering) by putting
your hand on mine ; muharik ho (be glad), you have
received the country of your ancestors. What is to be
done with the Europeans inside that house? ” The
Nawab asked him what he would recommend, and Syed
Ahmed said, “ There are two courses open to you — ^the

B

i8 Syed Ahmed Khan,

one, that you and I go in with a few men and massacre
them ; but as Delhi may soon fall, it might be dangerous
were the English to get the upper hand, and we had mas-
sacred these people. The other is, that I should get the
English to go away, after formally making over to you
the whole country.*’ The Nawab said, “ How is that
to be done? ** And Syed Ahmed said, “ On one condi-
tion — I.C., that you solemnly swear that when they go
they shall not be molested.*’ The Nawab agreed to
this — stipulating, however, that the English were to be
got away by 2 a.m. the next morning. Syed Ahmed
made him swear to this, and returned to his friends
inside, who, as may be imagined, were anxiously
awaiting his arrival. He told Mr. Shakespeare of the
above conversation, and that officer agreed to the
Nawab’s proposal. Syed Ahmed returned to the
Nawab, told him of Mr. Shakespeare’s decision, and
begged him to return with him into the house to receive
the necessary documents. The Nawab hesitated to go
in alone, but Syed Ahmed overcame his fears by assur-
ing him of his perfect safety. The party inside were
therefore astonished and delighted at seeing the Nawab
walk in with their plucky ambassador. After a few
words with the Nawab, Mr. Shakespeare asked Syed
Ahmed to prepare the document in Persian, and Syed
Ahmed so framed it that it only conferred the country
on the Nawab till the English returned to claim it !
This was signed and sealed by Mr. Shakespeare, and
delivered by Syed Ahmed to the Nawab. The keys of
the treasury (the treasure had been recovered from the
well into which it had been thrown), &c., were also
made over to him. The Nawab then returned to his
men, reiterating his wish to Syed Ahmed that the
English should evacuate the place by 2 a.m. It was

Syed Ahmed vistis Rebel Nawah

now past midnight, not a horse or carriage, or other
vehicle, was apparently to be obtained, and Mr.
Shakespeare told Syed Ahmed that he had not a rupee
in his pocket ! Once more did Syed Ahmed go to the
Nawab, represent that it was he only, the ruler of the
country, who could provide the necessary carriage for
the party.* The Nawab thereupon gave him two
elephants, and, after some trouble, a bullock-cart was
also procured. Syed Ahmed then told the Nawab that
he had no money, and the Nawab took him to the
treasury and gave him Rs.3000. The cavalcade of
men. women, and children started at 2 a . m . on the
elephants and cart, guarded by four of Syed Ahmed’s
Sawars and four of the Nawab *s, and Syed Ahmed,
Torab Ally, and Rehmat Khan on foot. After escort-
ing them through the Nawab’s men, and accompanying
them a couple of miles farther on, the three latter made
for Bassaye Kotla, about 12 miles off. Mr. Shake-
speare and party arrived safely at Meerut, after a
fatiguing and at times hazardous journey. Syed
Ahmed remained in the Bijnore district, and was offered
charge of the same by the Nawab, who said that as he
had given him the district, no one was better fitted than
he to govern it. Syed Ahmed agreed to accept the
charge if the Nawab would lay out daks (posts) to
Meerut and Roorkee, if he would keep the English there
informed of all that went on, and if he would obey any
instructions sent by them to him. If so, Syed Ahmed
told him that he would exert his influence with the
English, and would get them to give him, the Nawab,
a larger estate and a higher position than those
formerly held by his ancestor Zabteh Khan. The
Nawab declined -the proposal. Three Hindu land-
owners, the Chowdries and Haldour and Tajpur,

20

Syed Ahmed Khan.

gathered their retainers together, and attacked Snd
defeated the Nawab’s forces. Syed Ahmed wrote a
detailed account of this to the Commissioner of Meerut,
and Mr. Cracroft Wilson, Special Commissioner, who
at once wrote directing him to take over the adminis-
tration of the district for the British Government, in
conjunction with Deputy-Collector Mehmud Rehmat
Khan and Mir Turab Ally Tehsildar. Syed Ahmed
did so, and had the news proclaimed by beat of drum
throughout the district.

For nearly a month all remained quiet, and mail-
runners were sent regularly between Bijnore and
Meerut. Unfortunately, contrary to Syed Ahmed’s
urgent remonstrances, the Haldour Chowdry attacked
and plundered the Mohammedan village of Nagina, and
slaughtered a number of its inhabitants. The Moham-
medans, however, rallied, drove out the Chowdry’s
men, went in a body to the Nawab, and represented
that, as the English Government could afford them no
protection, he should take over the administration of
the district. The Nawab accordingly attacked Bijnore
with a large following and captured it. Syed Ahmed
fled to Haldour. All the Mohammedans were against
him, being under the impression that he had either
instigated or sanctioned the Chowdry’s raid on Nagina.
The Nawab attacked and took Haldour, and Syed
Ahmed fled to the village of Chandpur, where he, on
foot, footsore and weary, was surrounded by a crowd
of Mohammedans, several thousand strong, who yelled
out, “ There is the man who brought about the mas-
sacre of Mohammedans at Nagina ! ” Aided by some
friends, he managed with great difficulty to elude them,
and reached Meerut after several weeks’ exposure and
danger. En route, at Garhmukteshur, a ferry on the

Ki5i/s his House at Delhi,

21

Ganges, he heard of the fall of Delhi, so that it was
towards the end of September, after four months of
anxiety and peril, that he arrived in safety at the
English cantonment.

Towards the end of September he visited his home
at Delhi, just after the taking of the city. On reaching
his house, he heard that his mother had taken refuge in
one of her syce's (horse-attendant’s) houses, and he
followed her there. On his calling out to her she
opened the door, crying out, “ Why have you come
here? All are being killed. You will be killed also ! ”
He told her not to be afraid, as he had a special pass.
He then found out that for five days she had been
living on the horses* grain, and was very weak. For
three days she had had no water. He hurried off to
the fort, and brought a jug of water. An old female
servant who was with his mother, and who was also
suffering intensely from thirst, was first met by him on
his return, and he poured out some water for her, and
told her to drink. The faithful old woman told him to
take it to her mistress, saying that she required it most.
Syed Ahmed made her drink, and the poor woman,
after drinking a little, fell back, and in a few moments
was a corpse ! Syed Ahmed’s distress may be
imagined. He took his mother back with him to
Meerut, but the shock and anxiety of mind that she
had suffered during the siege and at the assault were
too much for her, and she died a month afterwards.
Syed Ahmed’s uncle and cousin, whose house adjoined
his at Delhi, were slain unarmed by the infuriated
Sikhs three days after the assault. They were as loyal
as Syed Ahmed himself ; but at that dreadful time many
innocent men, I grieve to say, suffered for the sins of
the guilty.

22

Syed Ahmed Khan,

On the formation of the Rohilkhand column, he
accompanied it with Mr. Shakespeare as far as
Roorkee, and was present at the battle of Amsoth.
He then returned to his duty at Bijnore, whence, in
July 1858, he was transferred to Moradabad. For his
services in the Mutiny he received a special pension of
Rs.200 per mensem for his and his eldest son’s life,
and a khilat of one cap of four cones, one gashwara or
outer turban, one neem astin or jacket, one pair of
shawls, one belt, one jugha or coat, one surpech or
turban of honour, one pearl necklace, and one sword.
In recommending him for the former, Mr. Shakespeare,
whose life he had saved, wrote officially as follows to
Mr. Alexander, Commissioner of Rohilkhand : —

The |>osition in which this district stood at the com-
mencement of the rebellion is well known to you.
There were no troops of any kind attached to it, and it
was not, therefore, necessary to guard against danger
on this account, except on the two occasions when a
small number 6f sepoys were with us for a few days.
Our chief difficulty was to keep the peace of the district,
and prevent any overt act of violence on the part of the
Nawab and his retainers, with very insufficient means
for so doing. I do not think our flight could possibly
have been delayed so long as it was had it not been for
the unwearied zeal shown by the officers, whom I
mention together, because it was in consultation with
them collectively that 1 laid my plans, when matters
began to assume a very serious aspect, and it became
necessary to treat the Nawab — who by this time had
collected round him a considerable number of armed
followers — with the utmost circumspection. At the
last, on the night on which we were compelled to leave
the station, I have good reason to know that but for
the interposition of the Sudder Ameen [Syed Ahmed]
especially, the Nawab would have given licence to his
followers, the result of which must have been fatal to
our party. . . .

The hopes inspired amongst the Mussulmans of the
district by the protracted siege of Delhi subsequently

Mr. Shakespeare's Despatch. 23

placed these ollicers in a very critical position. But
they never appear for a moment to have entertained a
doubt of our hnal success ; and on receiving the neces-
sary authority to assume charge of the district, the
Deputy-Collector and Sudder Ameen at once did so,
and with the aid of the chief Hindu landholders, were
doing much towards restoring order, when they were
compelled, on the 23d of August, to fly to Huldour,
which town was shortly afterwards attacked and taken
by the Mussulmans, after a stout resistance on the part
of the Rajputs and other Hindus who have throughout
stood firm in their allegiance.

On this disaster occurring, the Deputy-Collector and
Sudder Ameen, with many more, made their escape,
and after running great risk at Chandpore, the Deputy-
Collector going in the first instance to his home at
Khurja, and the Sudder Ameen coming to Meerut.

All the three officers on whom I am reporting
have shown conspicuous loyalty ; but if I were required
to draw a distinction, 1 should do so in favour of Syed
Ahmed Khan, whose clear sound judgment, and rare
uprightness and zeal; could scarcely be surpassed. I
recommend that, in appreciation of his peculiar claims
to reward, as having been mainly instrumental in
securing the escape of the whole of the Bijnore party
of Europeans, and of his subsequent services when the
district was made over to him and the Deputy-Collector,
he should receive a pension in perpetuity, or for his
own life and that of his eldest son, of Rs.200 per
mensem.

His losses have been very heavy, his family being
resident at Delhi at the commencement of the outbreak.
The whole of his property at that place was pillaged,
it having been brought to the notice of the rebels that
he was a loyal subject of our Government.

24

CHAPTER IV.

THE CAUSES OF THE INDIAN REVOLT ” PRIMARY CAUSE

OF THE REBELLION NON-ADMISSION OF A NATIVE TO

THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL STATE INTERFERENCE

WITH RELIGION MISSIONARY SCHOOLS REVENUE AND

LAND ADMINISTRATION NECESSITY OF MUTUAL

SYMPATHY BETWEEN GOVERNORS AND GOVERNED

ARMY SYSTEM.

In 1858 Syed Ahmed wrote in Urdoo, “ The Causes of
the Indian Revolt,” which was not, however, trans-
lated and published in English till the year 1873. The
translators were Sir Auckland Colvin and myself. In
his preface he says : ” The following pages, though
written in 1858, have not yet been published. I publish
them now, as, although many years have elapsed since
they were indited, nothing has occurred to cause me to
change my opinions. An honest exposition of native
ideas is all that our Government requires to enable it to
hold the country, with the full concurrence of its inhabi-
tants, and not merely by the sword.” True and manly
words these. Although some of us may not agree with
Syed Ahmed’s ” Causes of the Revolt,” the pamphlet
is exceedingly valuable, as giving us an insight into
native modes of thought, and as written by the ablest
of our loyal Mohammedan gentlemen. The following

Causes of the Indian Revolt. 25

extracts may prove interesting to those of my readers
who have not yet read the pamphlet : —

The primary causes of rebellion are, I fancy, every-
where the same. It invariably results from the exist-
ence of a policy obnoxious to the dispositions, aims,
habits and views of those by whom the rebellion is
brought about.

As regards the Rebellion of 1857, the fact is, that for
a long period many grievances had been rankling in the
hearts of the people. In course of time, a vast store of
explosive material had been collected.

The manner in which the rebellion spread, first here,
then there, now breaking out in this place and now in
that, is alone good proof that there existed no wide-
spread conspiracy.

Nor is there the slightest reason for thinking that the
rebels in Hindustan received any aid from Russia or
from Persia. As between Roman Catholics and Protes-
tants, so between the Mussulman of Persia and of
Hindustan, cordial co-operation is impossible,

I see nothing strange in the fact, if fact it were, of
the ex-king of Delhi having written a farmdn to the
Persians. The ex-king had a fixed idea that he could
transform himself into a fly or gnat, and that he could
in this guise convey himself to other countries, and
learn what was going on there. Seriously, he firmly
believed that he possessed the power of transformation.

No doubt men of all classes were irritated at the
annexation of Oudh ; all agreed in thinking that the
Honourable East India Company had acted in defiance
of its treaties, and in contempt of the word which it
had pledged. The people of Oudh felt on this occasion
much as other men have felt whose countries have been
annexed by the East India Company. What I mean is,
that the men who would be the most irritated and dis-
mayed at such a step, were the noblemen and indepen-
dent princes of Hindustan. These all saw that sooner
or later such a policy must lead to the overthrow of
their own independence, and confiscation of their own
lands. Nevertheless we find that there was not one of
the great landed princes who espoused the rebel cause.
The mutineers were for the most part men who had
nothing to lose — the governed, not the governing
class. . . .

26 Syed Ahmed Khan.

There are no grounds for supposing that tfie Moham-
medans had for a long time been conspiring or plotting
a simultaneous rise or a religious crusade against the
professors of a different faith. The English Govern-
ment does not interfere with the Mohammedans in the
practice of their religion. For this sole reason it is
impossible that the idea of religious crusade should have
been entertained. Thirty-five years ago a celebrated
Moulvie, Muhammad Ismael by name, preached a
religious crusade in Hindustan, and called upon all men
to aid him in carrying it out. But on that occasion he
distinctly stated that natives of Hindustan, subject to
the British Government, could not conscientiously take
part in a relijg^ious war within the limits of Hindustan.
Accordingly, while thousands of Jehadees congregated
in every district of Hindustan, there was no sort of
disturbance raised within .British territory. Going
northwards, these men crossed the Panjab frontier, and
waged war in those parts of the country. And even if
we should imitate the know-nothings in the various
districts and call the late disturbance a religious war, it
is very certain that no preparations were made for it
before the loth of May 1857.

In Syed Ahmed’s opinion the original cause #f the
outbreak was the non-admission of a native into the
Legislative Council. He says : —

For centuries, many able and thoughtful men have
concurred in the views that all treatises and works on
the principles of government, all histories either of the
one or the other hemisphere are witnesses to the sound-
ness of my opinions.

Most men agree in thinking that it is highly con-
ducive to the welfare and prosperity of Government —
indeed, is essential to its stabilitv — that the people
should have a voice in its councils. It is from the voice
of the people only that Government can learn whether
its projects are likely to be well received. The voice of
the people can alone check errors in the bud, and warn
us of dangers before they burst upon and destroy us.

A needle may dam the gushing rivulet ; an elephant
must turn aside from the swollen torrent. This voice,
however, can never be heard, and this security never

Non^ Admission of Natives to Council.

27

acquired, unless the people are allowed a share in the
consultations of Government. The men who have ruled
India should never have forgotten that they were here
in the position of foreigners — that they differed from its
natives in religion, in customs, in habits of life and of
thought. The security of a Government is founded on
its knowledge of the character of the governed, as well
as on its careful observance of their rights and privi-
leges. They are in every instance the inheritance of
the peculiar race. It is to the differences of thought
and of custom that laws must be adapted, for they
canno.t be adapted to the laws. In their due observance
lies the welfare and security of Government. From the
beginning of things, to disregard these has been to dis-
regard the nature of man, and the neglect of them has
ever been the cause of universal discontent. . .

The evils which resulted to India from the non-admis-
sion of natives into the Legislative Council of India
were various. Government could never know the inad-
visability of the laws and regulations which it passed.
It could never hear as it ought to have heard the voice
of the people on such a subject. The people had no
means of protesting against what they might feel to be
a foolish measure, or of giving public expression to
their own wishes. But the greatest mischief lay in this,
that the people misunderstood the views and the inten-
tions of Government. They misapprehended every act,
and whatever law was passed was misconstrued by men
who had no share in the framing of it, and hence no
means of judging of its spirit. At length the Hindu-
stanees fell into the habit of thinking that all the laws
were passed with a view to degrade and ruin them, and
to deprive them and their fellows of their religion.
Such acts as were repugnant to native customs and
character, whether in themselves good or bad, increased
this suspicion. At last came the time when all men
looked upon the English Government as slow poison,
a rope of sand, a treacherous flame of fire. They
learned to think that if to-day they escaped from the
hands of Government, to-morrow they would fall into
them ; or that even if they escaped on the morrow, the
third day would see their ruin. There was no man to
reason with them, no one to point out to them the
absurdity of such ideas. . . .

28

Syed Ahmed Khan.

1 do not wish to enter into the question as to how the
ignorant and uneducated natives of Hindustan could be
allowed a share in the deliberations of the Legislative
Council, or as to how they should be selected to form
an assembly like the English Parliament. These are
knotty points. All I wish to prove here is, that such a
step is not only advisable, but absolutely necessary, and
that the disturbances are due to the neglect of such a
measure.

This mistake of the Government made itself felt in
every matter connected with Hindustan. All causes of
rebellion, however various, can be traced to this one.
And if we look at these various causes separately and
distinctly, we shall, 1 think, find that they may be
classed under five heads : —

1. Ignorance on the part of the people ; by which I
mean misapprehension of the intentions of Government.

2. The passing of such laws and regulations and
forms of procedure as jarred with the established
customs and practice of Hindustan, and the introduc-
tion of such as were in themselves objectionable.

3. Ignorance on the part of the Government of the
condition of the people, of their modes of thought and
of life, and of the grievances through which their hearts
were becoming estranged.

4. The neglect on the part of our rulers of such points
as were essential to the good government of Hindu-
stan.

5. The bad management and disaffection of the

army. . . .

I would here say that I do not wish it to be under-
stood that the views of Government were in reality such
as have been imputed to them. I only wish to say that
they were misconstrued by the people, and that this
misconstruction hurried on the rebellion. Had there
been a native of Hindustan in the Legislative Council,
the people would never have fallen into such errors.

Interference in Matters of Religion . — ^There is not the
smallest doubt that all men, whether ignorant or well-
informed, whether high or low, felt a firm conviction
that the English Government was bent on interfering
with their religion, and with their old-established

State Interference with Religion.

customs. They believed that Government intended to
force the Christian religion and foreign customs upon
Hindu and Mussulman alike. This was the chief among
the secondary causes of the rebellion. It was believed
by every one that Government was slowly but surely
developing its plans. Every step, it was thought, was
being taken with the most extreme caution. Hence it
is that men said that Government does not speak of
proselytising Mohammedans summarily and by force ;
but it will throw off the veil as it feels itself stronger,
and will act with greater decision. Events increased
and strengthened this conviction. Men never thought
that our Government would openly compel them to
change their religion. The idea was, that indirect
steps would be taken. It was supposed that Govern-
ment would, by making the people deprived of a know-
ledge of their own faith, work on the cupidity and
poverty of its subjects, and, on condition of their
abjuring their faith, offer them employment in its own
service.

In the year 1837, the year of the great drought, the
step which was taken of rearing orphans in the prin-
ciples of the Christian faith, was looked upon through-
out the North-West Provinces as an example of the
schemes of Government. It was supposed that when
Government had similarly brought all Hindustanees to
a pitch of ignorance and poverty, it would convert them
to its own creed. The Hindustanees used to feel an
increasing dismay at the annexation of each successive
country by the Honourable East India Company.

In the first days of British rule in Hindustan, there
used to be less talk than at present on the subject
of religion. It has been commonly believed that
Government appointed missionaries and maintained
them at its own cost. It has been supposed that
Government, and the officers of Government through-
out the country, were in the habit of giving large sums
of money to these missionaries, with the intention of
covering their expenses, enabling them to distribute
books, and in every way aiding them. Many cove-
nanted officers and many military men have been in the
habit of talking to their subordinates about religion ;
some of them would bid their servants come to their
houses and listen to the preaching of missionaries, and

30

Syed Ahmed Khan.

thus it happened that in the course of time no man felt
sure that his creed would last even his own lifetime.

The missionaries, moreover, introduced a new system
of preaching. They took to printing and circulating
controversial tracts, in the shape of questions and
answers. Men of a different faith were spoken of in
those tracts in a most offensive and irritating way. In
Hindustan these things have always been managed very
differently. Every man in this country preaches and
explains his views in his own mosque or his own house.
If any one wishes to listen to him, he can go to the
mosque or house and hear what he has to say. But
the missionaries’ plan was exactly the opposite. They
used to attend places of public resort — markets, for
instance, and fairs, where men of different creeds were
collected together — and used to begin preaching there.
It was only from fear of the authorities that no one bade
them be off about their business. In some districts the
missionaries were actually attended by policemen from
the station. And then the missionaries did not confine
themselves to explaining the doctrines of their own
books. In violent and unmeasured language they
attacked the followers and the holy places of other
creeds, annoying and insulting beyond expression the
feelings of those who listened to them. In this way,
too, the seeds of discontent were sown deep in the
hearts of the people.

Then missionary schools were started in which the
principles of the Christian faith were taught. Men
said it was by the order of Government. In some dis-
tricts covenanted officers of high position and of great
influence used to visit the schools and encourage the
people to attend them ; examinations were held in books
which taught the tenets of the Christian religion. Lads
who attended the schools used to be asked such ques-
tions as the following, “ Who is your God? ” “ Who
is your Redeemer? ” and these questions they were
obliged to answer agreeably to the Christian belief —
prizes being given accordingly. This again added to
the prevailing ill-will. But it may be said with some
justice, ** If the people were not satisfied with this
course of education, why did they let their children go
to the schools? ” The fact is, that we have here no
question of like or dislike. On the contrary, we must

Village Schools disliked.

3 *

account for this by the painfully degraded and ignorant
state of the people. They believed that if their children
were entered at the schools, they might have employ-
ment given them by Government, and be enabled to
find some means of subsistence. Hence they put up
with a state of affairs in reality disagreeable enough to
them. But it must not be thought that they ever liked
those schools.

When the village schools were established, the
general belief was that they were instituted solely with
the view of teaching the doctrines of Jesus. The
pergunnah visitors and deputy inspectors who used to
go from village to village and town to town advising the
people to enter their children at these schools, got the
nickname of native clergymen. When the pergunnah
visitor or deputy inspector entered any village, the
people used to say that the native clergyman had come.
Their sole idea was, that these were Christian schools,
established with the view of converting them. Well-
informed men, although they did not credit this, saw
nevertheless that in these schools nothing but Urdu was
taught. They were afraid- that boys while reading
only Urdu would forget the tenets of their own faith,
and that they would thus drift into Christianity. They
believed, also, that Government wished such books as
bore upon the doctrines of* the former religions of
Hindustan to fall into entire disuse. This was to be
done with the view of ensuring the spread of Chris-
tianity. In many of the eastern districts of Hindustan
where these schools were established, boys were
entered at them by compulsion, and by compulsion
only. It was currently reported that all this was in
pursuance of the orders of Government.

There was at the same time a great deal of talk in
Hindustan about female education. Men believed it to
be the wish of Government that girls should attend
and be taught at these schools, and leave off the habit
of sitting veiled. Anything more obnoxious than this
to the feelings of the Hindustanees cannot be conceived.
In some districts the practice was actually introduced.
The pergunnah visitors and deputy inspectors hoped,
by enforcing the attendance of girls, to gain credit with
their superior. In every . way, therefore, right or
wrong, they tried to carry out their object. Here,

32 Syed Ahmed Khan,

then, was another cause of discontent among the
people, through which they became confirmed in error.

The large colleges established in the towns were from
the first a source of suspicion. At the time of their
establishment Shah Abdulazeez, a celebrated Moulvie of
Hindustan, was alive. The Mohammedans asked him
for a fatwa on the subject. His answer was distinct.
“ Go,” he said, ” read in the English colleges, and
learn the English tongue. The laws of Islam admit
it.” Acting on this opinion the Mohammedans did not
hesitate to enter these colleges. At that time, how-
ever, the colleges were conducted on a principle widely
different from that which is at present adopted.
Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit, and English were equally
taught. The ” Fickah,” ” Hadees,” and other such
books, were read. Examinations were held in the
” Fickah,” for which certificates of proficiency were
given. Religion was not in any way thrust forward.
The professors were men of worth and weight — all
scholars of great reputation, wide knowledge, and
jound moral character. But all this has been changed.
The study of Arabic is little thought of. The ” Fickah ”
and ” Hadees ” were suddenly dropped. Persian is
almost entirely neglected. Books and methods of
teaching have been changed. But the study of Urdu
and of English has greatly increased. All this has
tended to strengthen the idea that Government wished
to wipe out the religions which it found in Hindustan.

Such was the state of the village schools and the
colleges, such the general feeling of distrust through-
out the country as to the views of Government about
conversion, when a proclamation was issued by Govern-
ment to the following effect : Whoever had studied
and passed an examination in certain sciences and in
the English language, and had received a certificate to
that effect, was to be considered as having prior claims
for employment in the public service. Petty appoint-
ments were granted on the production of certificates
from the deputy inspectors — the very men who had
hitherto been nicknamed native clergymen. This came
as a blow to every one. Suspicion increased tenfoid.
The ^ rumour again rose that Government wished to
deprive the Hindustanees of all means of subsistence,

Indignation of Landlords,

33

and by impoverishing them gradually, to substitute its
own religion in the place of theirs. . . .

The laws providing for the resumption of revenue free
lands, the last of which was Regulation 6 of 1819, were
most obnoxious. Nothing disgusted the natives of
this country more with the English Government than
this resumption of revenue free lands. Sir T. Munro
and the Duke of Wellington said truly enough that to
resume lands granted revenue free, was to set the
whole people against us, and to make beggars of the
masses. I cannot describe the odium and the hatred
which this act brought on Government, or the extent to
which it beggared the people. Many lands which had
been held revenue free for centuries were suddenly
resumed on the flimsiest pretexts. The people said that
Government not only did nothing for them itself, but
undid what former Governments had done. This
measure altogether lost for the Government the confi-
dence of its subjects.

In the first days of British rule, sales of landed pro-
perty were so numerous that the whole country was
turned upside down. To remedy this, Government
passed the law which is called Regulation i of 1821,
and appointed a Commission of Inquiry. This Com-
mission, however, gave rise to a thousand other evils.
After all, the affair was not brought to a satisfactory
conclusion, and at last the Commission was abolished.
All I now say is, that whether this system of sales
was the result of necessity or of ignorance, it has
at all events had a hand in bringing on the rebellion.
The claim of the Government lies, I take it, upon the
produce of the land, not upon the land itselL

There is no doubt that Government were but slightly
acquainted with the unhappy state of the people. How
could it well be otherwise? There was no real com-
munication between the governors and the governed,
no living together or near one another, as has always
been the custom of the Mohammedans in countries
which they subjected to their rule. Government and
its officials have never adopted this course, without
which no real knowledge of the people can be gained.
It is, however, not easy to see how this can be done by
the English, as they almost all look forward to retire-

34

Syed Ahmed Khan,

merit in their native land, and seldom settle for good
amongst the natives of India.

The people, again, having no voice in the govern-
ment of the country, could not well better their condi-
tion ; and if they did try to make themselves heard by
means of petitions, these same petitions were seldom
if ever attended to, and sometimes never even heard.

Government, it is true, received reports from its sub-
ordinate officials ; but even these officials themselves
were ignorant of the real thoughts and opinions of the
people, because they had no means of getting at them.

Now the Government ought to have received the
complaints and petitions of its people direct, and not, as
it did, invariably by reports from its district officers.

I feel it most necessary to say that which is in my
heart, and which I believe to be true, even at the risk of
its being distasteful to many of the ruling race. I
maintain that the maintenance of friendly relations
between the governors and the governed is far more
necessary than between individuals : private friendships
only affect a few, friendship and good feeling between a
Government and its subjects affect a nation. As in
private friendships two persons are united by the bond
of a common friendship, so also should a Government
and its people be knit together in like manner. The
people and the Government I may liken to a tree, the
latter being the root, and the former the growth of that
root. As the root is, so will the tree be. Friendship,
intercourse, and sympathy are therefore not wholly
dependent for their existence on the givers and reci-
pients being of the same religion, race, or country.

Does not the Apostle Paul admonish us in these
beautiful words? — “ And the Lord make you to increase
and abound in love one toward another, and toward
all men, even as we do toward you ” (ist Epistle of
Paul to the Thessalonians, iii. 12). And does not Jesus
admonish us in these? — “Therefore all things what-
soever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even
so to them : for this is the law and the prophets “
(Matt. vii. 12).

These were meant to inculcate friendship and love to
all men ; and no one, no wise and thoughtful man, will
say that the admonition is wrong, that friendship and
love to our fellow-men are not beneficial, that their

Friendly relations necessary.

35

results are ni7, and that they do not blot out much that
is wicked. As yet, truth compels me to state, Govern-
ment has not cultivated the friendship of its people, as
was its duty to do. The Creator has instilled it into
the heart of man and the instinct of animals, that the
strong should be kind to and care for the weak. The
father loves his child before the child loves him. The
man tries to win the woman, not the woman the man.
If a man of low degree try to win the esteem of one in
high position, he is liable to be styled a flatterer and
not a friend. It was, therefore, for Government to try
and win the friendship of its subjects, not for the sub-
jects to try and win that of the Government. If it had
done so, the results would have been great, and the
people would have rejoiced. Alas that it has not done
so! Friendship is a feeling which springs from the
heart, and which cannot be kindled by “ admonitions/’
Men may meet on very friendly terms, but it does not
therefore follow that they are friends in the real sense
of the word — that they are friends at heart as well as in
outward signs. Government has hitherto kept itself as
isolated from the people of India as if it had been the
fire and they the dry grass — as if it thought that, were
the two brought in contact, the latter would be burnt
up. It and its people were like two different sorts of
stone, one white and the other black, which stones, too,
were being daily more and more widely separated.
Now the relations between them ought to have been
close like those between the streaks of white and black
in the stone called Abri, in which we see the former
close alongside of the latter, the one blending with the
other. Government was, of course, perfectly right in
maintaining special friendly relation with its Christian
subjects (the English), but it was at the same time
incumbent upon it to show towards its native subjects
that brotherly kindness which the Apostle Paul exl]orts
us to in these words, “ And to godliness brotherly
kindness ; and to brotherly kindness charity ” (2 Peter
i. 7 ). It must be borne in mind that the blood of the
Mohammedan conquerors and that of the people of the
country was not the same ; that their faith was not the
same ; their manners and customs not the same ; that
in their hearts the people did not like them ; and that
at first there was little or no amalgamation of the two.

36 Syed Ahmfid Khan.

What, then, was the secret of their becoming friends?
Let us glance at the former Indian dynasties. First
came that of the Mohammedan conquerors. In the
reign of the Turks and Pathans, there was no inter-
course between the conquerors and the conquered until
the Government of the former was made firm and easy.
A feeling of cordiality was first established in the reign
of the Mogul Emperor, Akbar I., and continued till the
reign of Shah Jehan. No doubt, owing to many
defects in the system of Government, the people were
subjected to many evils ; but these were lightened by
the feelings just mentioned. This feeling unfortunately
ceased during the reign of Alumgeer, a.d. 1779, when,
owing to the rebellion of several Hindus of note, such
as Sewajee, the Mahratta, &c., Alumgeer vowed
vengeance against them all, and sent orders to all his
lieutenants to treat them with rigour and harshness,
and to exempt none from paying tribute. The injury
and disaffection which therefore ensued are well known.
Now the English Government has been in existence
upwards of a century, and up to the present hour has
not secured the affections of the people.

One great source of the stability of a Government is
undoubtedly the treating of its subjects with honour,
and thus gaining their affections. The results of kind-
ness are : an enemy even, if treated courteously,
becomes a friend ; friends by friendly intercourse
become greater friends, and strangers if treated in a
friendly manner are no longer strangers. By kindness
we make the brute creatures our willing slaves ; how
much more then would such treatment cement the bonds
between a Government and its people? In the first
years of the British rule in India the people were
heartily in favour of it. This good feeling the Govern-
ment has now forfeited, and the natives very generally
say that they are treated with contempt. A native
gentleman is, in the eyes of any petty official, as much
lower than that official as that same official esteems
himself lower than a duke. The opinion of many of
these officials is that no native can be a gentle-
man. . . .

There are many English officials who are well known
for their kindness and friendly feeling toward the
natives, and these are in consequence much beloved by

The Army System.

37

them — are, to use a native expression, as the sun and
the moon to them, and are pointed out as types of the
old race of officials.

The English army system in India has always been
faulty, and one great fault was the paucity of English
troops. When Nadir Shah conquered Khorassan, and
became master of the two kingdoms of Persia and
Afghanistan, he invariably kept the two armies at equal
strength. The one consisted, or rather was composed,
of Persians and Kuzul Bashies, and the other was com-
posed of Afghans. When the Persian army attempted
to rise, the Afghan army was at hand to quell the
rebellion, and Dice versa. The English did not follow
this precedent in India. The sepoy army was no doubt
faithful in its day and served the Government well, but
how could Government feel certain that it would never
act contrary to its orders? What measures had
Government taken for quelling at once on the spot any
emeute in that vast army, such as that which happened
last year?

Government certainly did put the two antagonistic
races into the same regiment, but constant intercourse
had done its work, and the two races in regiment had
almost become one. It is but natural and to be
expected, that a feeling of friendship and brotherhood
must spring up between the men of a regiment, con-
stantly brought together as they are. They consider
themselves as one body ; and thus it was that the
difference which exists between Hindus and Moham-
medans had, in these regiments, been almost entirely
smoothed away.

If a portion of the regiment engaged in anything, all
the rest joined. If separate regiments of Hindus and
separate regiments of Mohammedans had been raised,
this feeling of brotherhood could not have arisen, and,
in my opinion, the Mohammedan regiments would not
have refused to receive the new cartridges. Owing to
the paucity of the European element, the people of
India only stood in awe of the sepoys, who thus
became puffed up with pride, and thought there were
none like them in the world. They looked upon the
European portion of the army as a myth, and thought
that the many victories which the English had gained
were gained entirely by their own prowess. A common

38 Syed Ahmed Khan.

saying of theirs was, that they had enabled the English
to conquer Hindustan from Burmah to Cabul. This
pride of the sepoys was most marked after the Punjab
was conquered. So far had it gone, that they made
objections to anything which they did not like, and I
believe even remonstrated when ordered to march con-
sequent on the yearly reliefs. It was precisely at this
time, when the army was imbued with this feeling of
pride, and the knowledge or rather conjecture that
Government would grant anything they stood out for,
that the new cartridges were issued — cartridges which
they really believed were made up with fat, and he
using of which would destroy their caste. They refused
to bite them: When the regiment at Barrackpore was
disbanded, and the general order announcing the same
was read out to each regiment, the deepest grief was
felt throughout the army. They thought that the
refusal to bite the cartridges, the biting of which would
have destroyed their caste, was no crime at all ; that
the men of the disbanded regiment were not in the
least to blame, and that their disbandment was an act
utterly devoid of justice on the part of Government.
The whole army deeply regretted ever having had any-
thing to do with Government. They felt that they had
shed their blood in its cause, and conquered many
countries for it ; that in return it wished to take away
their caste, and had dismissed those who had justly
stood out for their rights. There was, however, no
open rebellion just then, as they had only been dis-
banded and had not been treated with greater severity ;
but, partly from feeling certain that the cartridges were
mixed with fat, partly from grief at seeing their com-
rades disbanded at Barrackpore, and still more by
reason of their pride, arrogance, and vanity, the whole
army was determined, come what might, not to bite the
cartridges.

Correspondence was undoubtedly actively carried on
in the army after the events at Barrackpore, and mes-
sages were sent telling the men not to bite the car-
tridges. Up to this time there was a strong feeling
of indignation and irritation in the army, but, in my
opinion, there was no intention of rebelling.

The fatal month of May 1857 was now at hand, in
which the army was punished in a manner which

Refusal of the Army to bite the Cartridges. 39

thinking men know to have been most wrong, and most
inopportune. The anger which the news of this punish-
ment created in the minds of the sepoys was intense.
The prisoners, on seeing their hands and feet manacled,
looked at their medals and wept. They remembered
their services, and thought how they had been recom-
pensed ; and their pride, which, as I have before said,
was the feeling of the whole army, caused them to feel
the degradation all the more keenly. Then the rest of
the troops at Meerut were fully persuaded that they
would either be compelled to bite the cartridges or
undergo the same punishment. This rage and grief
led to the fearful events of the loth of May, which
events are unparalleled in the annals of history. After
committing themselves thus, the mutineers had no
choice left but to continue in their career of rebellion.

40

CHAPTER V.

“ THE LOYAL MOHAMMEDANS OF INDIA *’ THEIR SER-
VICES IGNORED LIST OF REWARDS COMMENTARY

ON THE BIBLE.

In i860 Syed Ahmed published a pamphlet on “ The
Loyal Mohammedans of India,” extracts from which
I shall now give. It is as well that the English public
be reminded of eminent services rendered by our
Mussulman fellow-subjects during the memorable
years 1857-58 ; and it is also advisable to bring, after
the lapse of so many years, these services and their
rewards prominently before the Indian public. During
and for long after the Mutiny, the Mohammedans
were under a cloud. To them were attributed all the
horrors and calamities of that terrible time ; and that
this prejudice was to a very great extent unjust, and
that it was regretted and resented by the Mohamme-
dans at large, is undoubted. No one being appar-
ently willing to take up the cudgels in their defence,
Syed Ahmed threw himself into the breach and did all
in his power to rehabilitate their reputation.

Verily [he wrote] it is an incontrovertible truth, that
in the revolutions of time a general calamity some-
times occurs of a nature so overwhelming that man is
completely prostrated and unhinged thereby, and
rendered utterly helpless in his extremity. There Is

Mohammedans in dire Extremity . 41

then, as it were, a great weight on his soul, bearing
it down into the gulf of despair, for at that season of
crushing trial neither virtue nor learning, nor skill nor
talent, is of any avail. Undoubtedly, if a man be
guilty of a really culpable act, there can be no extenua-
tion for it ; but when he is enveloped by the sombre
mantle of misfortune, even his good deeds are open to
suspicion and misconstruction, and are either con-
demned, in totOy or said to proceed from a latent
sinister motive. Certainly, good and bad are to be
found in every class and creed ; but the proverb that
“ a fish pollutes all water ’* has reference especially
to a season of distress — ^for it is a peculiarity of the
time, that if even one man has done ill, the entire class
to which he belongs is held up to execration ; and
although a large number of that class may have done
right well, nobody thinks of their good deeds, and
they get no credit for them. Now the season of dire
extremity to which I allude is that which befell the
Mohammedans in 1857-58. There was no atrocity
committed then of which the blame was not imputed
to the Mohammedans, although the parties really
guilty may have been Ramdin and Matadin. An
oriental poet has well said : “ There is no misfortune
sent from heaven which, ere it descended to earth, did
not seek for its resting-place the dwellings of Moham-
medans ! * ’ Long and anxiously have I pondered
upon the events which marked the terrible crisis that
has passed over this country ; and 1 am free to confess
that the facts which have come to my knowledge, and
which I firmly believe to be true, have been a source
of genuine comfort to my soul, inducing, as they do,
the proud conviction that the rumours defamatory of
the Mohammedans that have got abroad from the four
quarters of the world are utterly without foundation.
Some of the acts of the horrible drama have already
been exposed ; but as day by day all the particulars
are gradually brought to light, then, when the naked
truth stands revealed — then will this one glorious fact
stand out in prominent relief, that if in Hindustan
there was one class of people above another who, from
the principles of their religion, from habits and asso-
ciations, and from kindred disposition, were fast bound
with Christians, in their dread hour of trial and danger.

42

Syed Ahmed Khan.

in the bonds of amity and friendship, those people
were the Mohammedans ; and then will be effectually
silenced the tongue of slander, now so loud in their
condemnation.

I really do not see that in those days any class
besides the Mohammedans displayed so much single-
minded and earnest devotion to the interests of Govern-
ment, or so willingly sacrificed reputation and status,
life and prosperity, in its cause. It is to the Moham-
medans that the credit belongs of having stood the
staunch and unshaken friends of the Government
amidst that fearful tornado that devastated the
country, and shook the empire to its centre ; and who
were every ready, heart and hand, to render their
aid to the utmost extremity, or cheerfully to perish
in the attempt, regardless of home and kindred, of
life and its enjoyments. At that momentous crisis it
was imperatively their duty — a duty enjoined by the
precepts of our religion — to identify themselves heartily
with the Christians and to espouse their cause, seeing
that they have, like ourselves, been favoured with a
revelation from heaven, and believe in the prophets,
and hold sacred the word of God in His holy book,
which is also an object of faith with us. But I
must deprecate that wholesale denunciation against
Mohammedans as a race, in which the newspapers
are wont to indulge.

Syed Ahmed then goes on to rejoice that the
Government are favourably disposed to his country-
men, as shown by the rewards which have been
liberally bestowed upon all loyal Mohammedans ; and
he only regrets that their loyalty and good services
are rarely alluded to in the newspapers, whilst the
writers on the Mutiny have “ ignored them alto-
gether.”

Syed Ahmed names those who in Hindustan stood
staunchly by us in the Mutiny, amongst others :
(i) Zaquaria Khan, an official of whom Mr. Carmichael,
the magistrate of Pilibhit, wrote : “He evinced
his gratitude by taking charge of my family, and

Loyal Mohammedans.

43

conducting them, with the greatest care and
solicitude, many miles before I joined them ; and
he remained faithful with me in the hills, and ever
insisted upon being with me everywhere. He was an
old man, and had seen an immense deal of military
service in the Deccan and elsewhere, and had the most
unbounded confidence in the resources and power of
our Government. He was promoted to a Tehsildar-
ship on the restoration of order at Bareilly, and was
cut down in open court by a Mohammedan ; and
Government have lost in him a faithful and devoted
servant. *’

His three sons were provided for by Government, by
grants of land in the Bareilly district.

(2) Abdulla Khan was the Kotwal or chief police
officer at Pilibhit. Of him Mr. Carmichael wrote : —

Abdulla Khan, . . . from the first apprehen-
sion of any disturbances, exerted himself most success-
fully, with untiring zeal and energy, to the mainten-
ance of order. . . When the mutiny broke out

in Bareilly, he remained at his post until his own
police mutinied, when (for his determination and
courage are equal) he would have shot the most
mutinous of them had he not been restrained by the
Tehsildar, who begged him to avoid bloodshed if
possible, as the commission of it would only be the
prelude to some greater acts of outrage. He then
remained faithfully by me, and accompanied me up to
the hills. . . . His family have given signal
proofs of their loyalty by giving up their lives in the
service of the State. Zakaria Khan was his uncle.

(3) Mohomad Ibrahim Khan, another uncle, was
Tehsildar of Shamlee, in the MuzafTarnagar district.

. . . His Tehsil was attacked by an overpowering

force of the rebels, and himself and every member of
his family . . . were killed. Among these were

(4) Abdulla Khan’s father, and many other relatives,
and, indeed, the only two male members now living of

44

Syed Ahmed Khan,

his own family are himself and a younger brother. I
beg to recommend most heartily and sincerely to the
kind consideration of a benevolent Government a man
who has himself evinced his fidelity to the State in so
marked a manner by his adherence to me at a most
trying crisis, and whose whole family have given such
striking proofs of their loyalty and devotion to the
State.

Abdulla Khan was presented by Government with a
pair of handsome pistols, a sword, and several
villages.

(5) Wali Mohammad Khan was a Pathan from
Rampore, and became a Sowar at Pilibhit on the
Mutiny breaking out. He was one of the small but
gallant band of Mohammedans who escorted Mrs.
Carmichael to Naini Tal. Afterwards he was in
several actions, and at last fell fighting bravely at the
battle of Churpura, on the loth February, 1858. A
pension of Rs.8 per mensem^ with a gratuity of
R-S.336, were given by Government to his family.

(6) Mahbulla Khan was another native of Rampore
who escorted Mrs. Carmichael, and was afterwards
present in several actions, being once wounded. He
was made a Daffadar of Police, and received land
worth Rs.2oo a-year.

(7) Syfullah Khan was also one of Mrs. Carmichael’s
escort, was in several actions, and received a Jemadar-
ship of Police Sowars, and land worth Rs.205 per
annum.

Others of the same Rampore escort were (8) Allai
Yar Khan (wounded), (9) Mohammad Khan, (10)
Abdul-karim Khan, (11) Syed Nur Khan, and (12)
Ghulam-zamin, — all of whom were substantially
rewarded by Government.

Here is a man of whom Mrs. Cracroft Wilson
wrote : —

NobU Conduct of a Nawab.

45

(13) Mohammad Husein Sheristedar (reader) was at
our house transacting business with Mr. Wilson, on
the morning that the jail was broken and the prisoners
set free by the mutinous sepoys of the 29th Native
Infantry. Mr. Wilson had of course to leave home to
try and restore order. I was consequently left alone.
Mohamad Husein remained with me, refusing to leave
me, and did all in his power to protect me. Mr.
Wilson has given him a certificate, which I hope will
be of use to him. I give him this note, as he seems
particularly anxious to possess an acknowledgment
from myself of his services on that memorable day.

Another splendid example of loyalty was (14)
Shaikh Sharfuddin, of Shaikhupur in Badaon, who
sheltered Mr. Edwards, C.S., and family, five in all,
and Mr. Stewart, &c., for months at the risk of his
life. He received a khilat of Rs.3000, and a village
worth Rs.2500 per annum in perpetuity.

(15) Nawab Nabbi Baksh Khan Bahadur was a
resident of Delhi, who was there throughout the siege
in 1857, and was the Vakil from the Emperor to the
Durbar of the Resident, an office which had been
conferred upon him by Akbar 1 1 .

Syed Ahmed says : When the ruthless mutineers
commenced giving free scope to their wild passions for
plunder and slaughter, they seized forty-three Christian
persons found in the city, among whom were women
and children, and took them into the king’s fort, intend-
ing to kill them there. . . . Yet this Nawab made one
effort to save these Christian captives; for he addressed
a letter to the king, in which he besought him not to
sanction the massacre for which the soldiers were
thirsting, and earnestly recommended his Majesty to
obtain a fatwa (or legal opinion authoritatively
advanced by the expounders of Mohammedan law) as
to whether there was any scriptural text which could
warrant this hideous atrocity. The Nawab ventured
to urge this request upon the king, because he was
very sensible that the sanguinary act contemplated
was held in abhorrence by all right-thinking men, and

46

Syed Ahmed Khan,

condemned by every divine ordinance ; and he knew
that all the Moulvis of the city were prepared to give
a fatwa to this effect.

Though his effort was fruitless, his noble attempt
to avert the massacre will ever redound to his honour
and praise. On the fall of Delhi, when the king’s
archives fell into the hands of the British, this letter
of the Nawab’s was also discovered ; whereupon the
Commissioners sent for him, and presented him with
Rs.500, while all his property was released from con-
fiscation, and permission given to him and his family
to reside within the city as before. He received a
certificate to this effect from Mr. C. B. Saunders, the
officiating Commissioner.

(16) Sheikh Khairuddin Ahmed Khan Bahadur was
a most gallant and distinguished officer, who com-
menced his service in the 426 Regiment N.I., his
father having been a commissioned officer in our army
who was killed in the Afghan campaign of 1839. In
this campaign Sheikh Khairuddin was present at
twelve general actions. In 1845 he fought at
Moodkee, Firozshah, and Sobraon. In 1850 he was
presented with a valuable sword, on which were
inscribed the names of the several actions at which he
had been present. In 1854 gallant officer left the
army, and was appointed a Tehsildar in the Civil
Department, became a Deputy-Collector in 1856, and
was at Ballia in the Ghazipore district when the Mutiny
broke out. It would take too much space to enter in
detail his splendid services during 1857-58, for which
he was raised to the highest rank of Deputy-Collector,
received a dress of honour of six pieces, a pearl neck-
lace, a robe and head-dress ornamented with gems, a
jewelled sword worth Rs.2000, the title of Khan
Bahadur, and a gift of land worth Rs.5000 per annum.

Education of Mohammedans bkhind the Age. 47

(17) Mohammad Rahmat Khan and (18) Mir Turab
Ali were the Deputy-Collector and Tehsildar of
Bijnore, and were with Syed Ahmed Khan throughout
the Mutiny. Their excellent services were duly
rewarded by robes of honour, a richly wrought sword,
and grants of land of various amounts. Turab Ali’s
brother (19), Syed Zamin Ali, was Tehsildar of
Bahraich in Oudh when the Mutiny occurred, and
remained at Gorakhpore with Mr. (now Sir Charles)
Wingfield, doing good service. His uncle (20), Sabit
Ali, was a Tehsildar in Bundel Khand, where he was
killed by the rebels. His cousin (21), Irshad Ali, was
Tehsildar of Fatehpur Sikri, in the Agra district, and
was taken prisoner by the mutineers. He escaped,
and did good service for Government. All of them
were amply rewarded.

I could give many more names of Mohammedan
Government servants who were prominent for their
loyalty, but the foregoing are, I think, sufficient.

Before and after the Mutiny, Syed Ahmed had
thought deeply on the state of his co-religionists in
India, more especially with reference to the educational
question. His idea was that the education imparted
to the mass of Mohammedans was utterly inadequate
to the spirit of the age — consisting, as it did, of only
logic, philosophy, Arabic literature, and religion.
Geography, the modern arts and sciences, and recent
histories of nations, were sealed books to them. Like
Sir Charles Metcalfe, he looked to education that it
may remove prejudices, soften asperities, and substi-
tute a rational conviction of the benefits of our
Government ; that it may unite the people and their
rulers in sympathy ; and that the differences which
separate them may be gradually lessened and ulti-

48 Syed Ahmed Khan,

mately annihilated.** The Tory motto on taking office
in 1874 was Sanitas sanitorum omnia sanitas ; **
that of a famous physician was “ Diagnosis, diagnosis,
diagnosis ; *’ Syed Ahmed *s was “ Educate, educate,
educate.** “ All the socio-political diseases of India
may,*’ he once said to me, “ be cured by this treat-
ment. Cure the root, and the tree will flourish.** In
1858, therefore, he had made his first attempt at
education, by opening at Moradabad a school specially
for the study of modern history. There being, in his
estimation, no books in the native languages suitable
for this branch of study, the idea of a Translation
Society dawned on his mind. In 1862 he was. trans-
ferred as subordinate judge to Ghazipore, and almost
immediately commenced the first commentary on the
Bible ever written by a Mohammedan. The difficul-
ties incurred by him in writing this abstruse work may
be imagined when it is borne in mind that he was
ignorant of English ; that all the accessible theological
works treating of his subject were written in that
language ; and that he had to have these various
books translated into Urdu, and read to or by him.
Undeterred by these difficulties, however, he worked
at the Commentary for years, until other, and to him
more important, tasks claimed all his energies. Three
volumes have been published : the first treating of the
Bible as a whole ; the second commenting on Genesis
up to the eleventh chapter ; and the third dealing with
the Gospel of St. Matthew.

49

CHAPTER VI.

THE ALLYGURH SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY INAUGURAL SPEECHES

^TRANSLATIONS GHAZIPORE COLLEGE.

It was at this time that I first met Syed Ahmed, being
then an Assistant District Superintendent of Police
at Ghazipore. At the very first interview I felt
greatly attracted to him — a, feeling which but deepened
with time. The Translation Society, now known as
the Scientific Society of Allygurh, was started by Syed
Ahmed at Ghazipore on the 9th January 1864. There
was a large assemblage of European and native gentle-
men at Syed Ahmed’s house, where the first meeting
was held. In the course of a speech which I made on
the occasion I said : —

For the first time in the annals of Hindustan has a
Mohammedan gentleman, alone and unaided, thought
over and commenced a Society in order to bring the
knowledge and literature of the nations of the Western
world within reach of the immense masses of the
people of the Eastern. At present all the works on the
arts and sciences are sealed to the people of Asia as a
body ; and when we recollect that it will be through
the modern arts and sciences that this country is to
advance with the age, I am sure that those interested
in India’s wellbeing will give their hearty aid to this
Society. All the many works on the capabilities of
this country are unknown to most of the people here.

D

50 Syed Ahmed Khan.

How many are there in India who know anything of
the valuable contents of mother earth? How many
are there who are acquainted with any of the modern
improvements on the materials with which the soil is
tilled, water is raised, cotton prepared— or in short,
on almost everything which is at present done, only
very superficially or clumsily, by the mass of he
people of India? The many works on all the above
will gradually be translated by this Society, and they
will thus become generally known. But it will not do
to sit still and listen. Let those who are interested in
this good work contribute but a very small portion of
their yearly gains towards disseminating knowledge
for the benefit of their descendants by means of this
Society, and they will have one of the purest pleasures
a man can have — ^viz., the thought that “ I have done
something, not only for myself, but for others.”

The object of the promoter of this Society, Syed
Ahmed Khan, is not to obstruct the study bf English,
but by bringing the English literature within reach of
his fellow-countrymen, to increase the civilisation, and
therefore the wealth and wellbeing, of his country.
English is gradually being more and more studied in
India ; but he knows well that it will take long before
the mass of the higher classes even will be sufficiently
grounded in that language to benefit by the know-
ledge which it opens up. In order to show clearly
his opinion on the necessity of studying English. I
may here quote a part of the speech delivered by him
last October before the Mohammedan Literary Society
at Calcutta : —

” The reason, gentlemen,” he said, ” why we are
all so backward nowadays, is that whilst we are learned
in and benefited by the philosophy, sciences, and arts
of antiquity, we are almost entirely ignorant of those
of ^ modern times. Many grand works have been
written in the German, French, and other languages
These are all to be found translated into English.
England has produced as many, if not more, grand
works than other nations. Now, as we are not likely
to become proficient in German, French, &c., as we
have all their learned works in the English tongue,
and as Hindustan is now governed by the English, I
think it is very clear that English is the language to

Elevating Tendemy of the Society.

51

which we ought to devote our attention. Is it any
prejudice that prevents us from learning it? No ; it
cannot be so with us. Such is only said by those who
do not know us. No religious prejudices interfere
with our learning any language spoken by any of the
many nations of the world. From remote antiquity
have we studied Persian, and no prejudice has ever
interfered with the study of that language. How,
then, can any religious objection be raised against our
learning and perfecting ourselves in English? **

A writer has said, “ Observe the society into which
literature introduces us : we are brought by it into
contact with minds of the loftiest order.’* And what
does more to form and fashion us than our companion-
ship? Insensibly we become assimilated to those with
whom we associate. The higher intellect affects the
weaker. Thus the study of an elevated literature will
silently and little by little take effect on the man’s
nature, and the various elements of character will grow
in correspondence with the influences that act on them.
This literature, then, is what this Society appeals to the
support of the people of India. This is the benefit, —
benefit which will make the Hindustan of to-day scarcely
recognisable fifty years hence, — which literature — good,
sound literature of any nation — will confer on those who
choose to cultivate it. In commencing the business of
this Society to-day, we have commenced a movement
which, if the people of India will only give their hearty
aid, is destined, in conjunction with many other
measures working for its good, to make India a wealthy
(far more wealthy than even she is at present), and
what is of far more importance, an enlightened
country. Indeed I ought to put the latter adjective
first, as increase of enlightenment is equivalent to
increase of wealth. Look how England’s wealth has
increased with her education within the last century.
She had great difficulties to contend with — difficulties
greater far than even the many difficulties which we
know only too well obstruct the spread of knowledge
in this country. In those days she had no railways,
no steam printing-presses, &c., — ^little but her own
innate genius and unconquerable energy. There is
genius sufficient in India which, if its people will only
put to it the shoulders of combination and persever-

52 Syed Ahmed Khan.

ance, will boon place this country amongst the first
as regards civilisation, as she is at present amongst
the last. All the many aids to enlightenment which it
took England many, many years to invent, experi-
mentalise upon, and finally to bring into general use,
are all at hand now. A desire to benefit by all these
can only be thoroughly kindled in the minds of the
natives of this country by bringing them and many
other things prominently to view, which is the object
of this our Society. Natives of India, you have only
to stretch out your hands, as it w^ere, to grasp all the
many and varied appliances for the promotion of your
country’s welfare ; and to those w'ho do grasp, a true
pleasure, and 1 may also add, profit, not only in mind
but in pocket, will be imparted by the touch. All
those, therefore, English and natives, who only join
heartily in this undertaking, shall have, I trust, the
proud satisfaction of having not only set on foot, but
also kept up, till it shall have accomplished its object,
a Society, the benefit of which to the people of India
will be incalculable. 1 would only add, in conclusion,
how much I feel is due to the enlightened and perse-
vering man, the instigator of this Society, who is
doing his best, both in head and pocket, to bring his
country out of centuries of sleep, and who in after-
ages will, I am sure, be awarded a conspicuous place
on the list of benefactors to his countrv, Syed Ahmed
Khan.

Syed Ahmed, in his speech, said : —

Looking at the state of my fellow-countrymen’s
minds, I find that, from their ignorance of the past
history of the world at large, they have nothing to
guide them in their future career. From their ignor-
ance of the events of the past, and also of the events
of the present,— from their not being acquainted w’ith
the manner and means by which infant nations have
grow'n into pow'erful and flourishing ones, and by
which the present most advanced ones have beaten
their competitors in the race for position among the
magnates of the world, — ^they are unable to take
lessons, and profit by their experiences. Through
this ignorance, also, they arc not aware of the causes
which have undermined the foundations of those

Syed Ahmed Khan's Vtews.

53

nations once the most wealthy, the most ci\ilised, and
the most powerful in the history of their time, and
which have since gradually gone to decay or remained
stationary instead of advancing with the age. If, in
1856, the natives of India had known anything of the
mighty power which England |K>ssesses, — a power
which would have impressed the misguided men of the
Bengal army with the knowledge how futile their
efforts to subvert the empire of Her Majesty in the
East would be, — there is little doubt but that the
unhappy events of 1857 would never have occurred.
For the above reasons, I am strongly in favour of
disseminating a knowledge of history, ancient and
modern, for the improvement of my fellow-country-
men. Various small editions of works on history
have been translated by the Department of Public
Instruction for the use of schools ; but these do not
contain that copiousness of detail, that full description
of the morals, virtues, and vices of nations, which, in
my opinion, are necessary in order to confer any real
benefit on the native mind. The book which, I think,
would be very suitable for our Society to commence
with, is one written by M. Rollin on the ancient races,
in w'hich are admirably described their discovery of,
and improvements on, the arts and sciences ; as also
their laws and systems of government, together with
their virtues and vices. This book is equally adapted
to old and young. We may with truth designate the
Greeks as the schoolmasters of the world in their own
and also in succeeding ages. But we in India know
nothing of their former state of barbarism, of the
means by which they raised themselves to the position
which w^e know they attained, and we are also utterly
ignorant of what conduced to bringing about the pros-
perity of h)urope, which now so far excels the Greece
of ancient days.

Again, gentlemen, with regard to works on natural
philosophy. All those who have anything to do with
the internal management of districts are well aware
how the producing capabilities of the soil are gradually
decreasing. One great reason for this evil, which, if
not remedied, will some day seriously affect the finances
of India, is that the natives have never even heard of
the principles on which the cultivation of the soil ought

54

Syed Ahmed Khan.

to be conducted, or of the many new inventions for
improving their acres.

Another work which is most necessary for India to
read is one on political economy. Political economy
was formerly known to us, but none of the works on
it of our ancinet authors are now extant. Colonel
Hamilton, after a great deal of research, got together
a library, and an excellent one it is, of most of the
works of our ancient authors. From a want of know-
ledge of political economy, the natives of India are
utterly in the dark as to the principles on which the
government of their country is carried on. They do
not know that the revenue is collected for their own
benefit, and not for that of Government. Millions are
under the idea that the rupees, as fast as they are
collected, are hurried on board ship, and carried off
to England ! Why is this ? Only through their
ignorance of political economy. Their own immediate
prosperity is also seriously impaired by this ignorance.
They do not know how to manage their affairs, how to
so apply their present wealth that it may increase ten-
fold, and at the same time relieve otner countries by
letting loose their capital, and not burying it in their
houses. I would therefore recommend the translating
little by little, so as not to interfere with smaller
works, of Mill’s “ Political Economy.”

I had, in the previous year, translated and published
at Syed Ahmed’s private press two articles in the
“ Edinburgh Review ” on the administration of Lords
Dalhousie and Canning, and on inquiry in London as
to the author of these essays, I was informed that the
writer was the Duke of Argyll, and that he was much
gratified at these having been translated. It struck
me that it would be beneficial to our infant Society if
we could get the assistance of the Duke*s name as
patron, and on writing to his Grace I received a letter
from him giving his cordial assent. His Grace is
therefore the first English duke who ever lent the
encouragement of his name to a society founded by an
Indian gentleman. India is grateful to him. By a

55

Objects of the Victoria College^ Ghazipore,

curious and happy coincidence it was from the Duke’s
hands at the India Office that, six years later, Syed
Ahmed received the insignia of the Companion of the
Star of India, and lunched with him afterwards. This
Society’s headquarters were afterwards transferred to
Allygurh, where, through Syed Ahmed’s exertions and
the liberality of the residents, its handsome institute,
hall, and library were erected, and are now ornaments
to the station. A very large number of translations
have been published by the Society since its foundation.

Syed Ahmed’s counsel and example bore good fruit
at Ghazipore, as within two months of the date of
opening the Scientific Society he delivered a vigorous
speech at the laying of the foundation of the New
Ghazipore, now the Victoria, College, an institution
built by the principal native gentlemen of the district.
Mr. Sapte, the Judge of Ghazipore, in his speech said,
“ You will presently have the advantage of listening
to an address from Syed Ahmed Khan, whose deep
learning and liberal views are well known to you all,
whose stay in this district has been of the greatest
benefit to it.” In the course of his address Syed
Ahmed Khan said : —

This assembly is composed of English and native
gentlemen of this district, the former of whoni have
attended here, not as your rulers but as well-wishers.
Let us trust that He who rules on high may permit us
to enjoy many such in our future lives, many such in
which the natives of this country will be associated
with those of the ruling race, for the purpose of com-
passing the improvement of the people of India. The
English have the reputation of being the well-wishers
of all mankind, without reference to race or creed.
Although their method of carrying out their good
intentions be sometimes open to criticism, still they
generally come right in the end, and attain their

56 Syed Ahmed Khan.

objects. The natives of India, living far distant from
England, and many of them, also, far distant from
Englishmen, believe only when they have the bodily
presence of the English that this reputation is a true
one. This proof is to-day before their eyes ; this
brotherly interest in that which is intended to do good
is, through your presence here this day, English
gentlemen of Ghazipore, patent to all those now assem-
bled. If meetings such as this is were more frequent
throughout India, the feeling of trust or attachment
on the part of the governed towards the governors
would be strengthened and enhanced, and be of the
greatest benefit to both. Your resolution of founding
a college in this district is a noble and praiseworthy
one, and will serve to incite the people of other
districts to imitate your example. Bear in mind,
gentlemen, that her most gracious Majesty Queen
Victoria has had proclaimed in this country that her
servants and subjects, European and native, are to be
considered as being on an equal footing ; and this
assurance is not a mere matter of form, but a reality.
Those amongst you here present who have visited
Calcutta within the last few years, will have noticed
that there is a countryman of your own judge of the
High Court, possessing the same powers, enjoying
the same dignities, and receiving the same pay as his
brethren, the English judges of that Court. You are
also aware that several of your fellow-countrymen are
nicmbers of the Legislative Council of India, asso-
ciated with the Viceroy and other high dignitaries in
the formation of laws for your wellbeing, and that
they give their opinions on the same without fear or
partiality.

Gentlemen, the decision of the British Government
that natives of India should be eligible for a seat in
the Viceroy’s Council both rejoiced and grieved me.
It grieved me because I was afraid that the education
of the natives was not sufficiently advanced to enable
them to discharge the duties of their important office
with credit to themselves and benefit to their country.
Thanks be to the Almighty, this fear has proved
groundless, and those of our fellow-countrymen who
have been honoured with a seat in the highest coumnl
in India have discharged their duties manfully and

Her Majesty's Gracious Will

57

right well. But it is still requisite that we should
increase our knowledge of things in general. The
appointment of natives to the Supreme Council was a
memorable incident in the history of India. The day
is not far distant, 1 trust, and when it does come you
will remember my words, when that Council will be
composed of representatives from every division or
district, and that thus the laws which it will pass will
be laws enacted by the feelings of the entire country.
There is one great fact — that her most gracious
Majesty wishes all her subjects to be treated alike ;
and, let their religion, tribe, or colour be what it may,
that the only way to avail ourselves of the many roads
to fame and usefulness is to cultivate our intellects,
and to conform ourselves to the age.

58

CHAPTER VI L

EDUCATIONAL MEETING AT BADAON ^SPEECH ON NECES-

SITY OF INDIAN AFFAIRS BEING MORE PROMINENTLY

BROUGHT BEFORE PARLIAMENT PRESENTED WITH

GOLD MEDAL BY LORD LAWRENCE DETERMINES ON

TAKING HIS SON TO CAMBRIDGE.

In April 1864, Syed Ahmed Khan was transferred to
Allygurh. In September 1864 I was officiating
District Superintendent of Police at Badaon, and he
paid me a visit there in that month, staying in my
house. We had a crowded meeting in the educational
cause — presided over by the Honourable R. Drum-
mond — ^and Syed Ahmed delivered a very effective
speech on the occasion. Out of many meetings which
he attended, and many speeches that he made, I shall
give one of the latter addressed by him on loth May
1866 to a large and influential meeting of the European
and native residents of Allygurh, in the Scientific
Society’s Institute, on the necessity of Indian affairs
being more prominently brought before Parliament
than has hitherto been the case, and of forming an
association for this purpose. He said : —

Gentlemen, if we look back upon that period of
India’s history which was pass^ by her under a
despotic Government, we find kings or rajas possessed
of unlimited power and authority over their subject-

Parliament and Indian Affairs. 59

millions, and we know that their Governments, instead
of being guided by the laws of reason and justice, were
carried on according to their arbitrary will, their
caprices, or their passions. The title “ Disposer of
the people’s lives,” and other similar titles which were
adopted by kings and emperors of India, was meant
to express their power over their people for good or
evil, and the title in most cases was synonymous with
vice, tyranny, and self-seeking. The rule of these
former emperors and rajas was neither in accordance
with the Hindu nor the Mohammedan religion. It
was based upon nothing but tyranny and oppression :
the law of might was that of right ; the voice of the
people was not listened to ; the strong and the turbu-
lent oppressed the feeble and the poor, and usurped all
their privileges with impunity for their own selfish
ends.

After this long period of what was but mitigated
slavery, it was ordained by a higher power than any
on earth, that the destinies of India should be placed
in the hands of an enlightened nation, whose princi-
ples of government were in accordance with those of
intellect, justice and reason. Yes, my friends, the
great God above. He who is equally the God of the
Jew, the Hindu, the Christian, and the Mohammedan,
placed the British over the people of India — gave them
rational laws (and no religious laws revealed to us by
God can be at variance with rational laws), gave you,
up to the year 1858, the Government of the East India
Company. The rule of that now defunct body of
merchant princes was one eminent for justice and
moderation, both in temporal and religious matters.
The only point in which it failed to satisfy the wants
of the age latterly, was the fact of its not being a regal
Government, — ^a necessity which had gradually forced
itself more prominently into notice as time rolled on,
when the once solitary factory on the banks of the
Ganges had grown into an empire half as large as
Europe, with a population of nearly two hundred
millions. Owing to this— owing to the fact that the
affairs of India were almost entirely conducted by the
Court of Directors — one great obstacle to the satisfy-
ing the requirements of all classes of the community
was this, that Parliament in those days — ^and, alas

6o

Syed Ahmed Khan,

that 1 should have to say it ! in these days also — was
not sufficiently alive to the importance of Indian
affairs to take any interest in them, unless they by
chance happened to touch upon the politics of the
day, the fate of a ministry, or were brought pro-
minently to notice by the brilliancy of some popular
orator.

It has been a matter of sincere regret to all thinking
natives, that since the assumption of the reins of
Government of India by her most gracious Majesty
Queen Victoria in person, the attention of her Parlia-
ment has not been more bestowed upon measures
affecting the future welfare of the inhabitants of this
portion of her dominions. It is with great regret that
we view the indifference and want of knowledge
evinced by the people of India with regard to the
British Parliament. Can you expect its members to
take a deep interest in your affairs, if you do not lay
your affairs before them? The British Parliament
represents the flower of the wealth and intellect of
England ; and there are many men now composing it,
liberal in their views, just and virtuous in their
dealings, who take a deep interest in all that affects
the welfare of the human race. To excite this interest,
however, it is necessary that the requirements and
wishes of that portion of mankind on whose behalf
they are to exert themselves, be made clearly known
to them. Their interest and philanthropy once excited,
you may feel assured, gentlemen, that the wants, be
they the wants of the Jew, the Hindu, the Christian,
or the Mohammedan, of the black man or of the white,
will be attentively studied and duly cared for. India,
with that slowness to avail herself of that which would
benefit her so characteristic of Eastern nations, has
hitherto looked on Parliament with a dreamy apathetic
eye, content to have her affairs, in the shape of her
Budget, brought before it in an annual and generally
inaudible speech by her Majesty’s Secretary of State
for India. Is this state of things to continue, or has
the time now come when the interests of this great
dependency are to be properly represented in the
governing body of the British nation?

Are the Europeans thought factious and discon-
tented ? Believe me that this moral cowardice is

Mr. J. Stuart Milfs Views Advanced. 6 1

wrong — this apprehension unfounded ; and that there
is not an Englishman of a liberal turn of mind in
India who w'ould regard with feelings other than those
of pleasure and hope, such a healthy sign of increased
civilisation on the part of its inhabitants. If you will
only show yourselves possessed of zeal and self-
reliance, you are far more likely to gain the esteem of
an independent race like the English, than if you
remain as you now are, apathetic and dependent. The
actions and laws of every Government, even the wisest
that ever existed, although done or enacted from the
most upright and patriotic motives, have at times
proved inconsistent with the requirements of the
people, or opposed to real justice. The natives have
at present little or no voice in the management of the
affairs of their country ; and should any measure of
Government prove obnoxious to them, they brood over
it, appearing outwardly satisfied and happy, whilst
discontent is rankling in their minds. I hope you, my
native hearers, will not be angry with me for speaking
the truth. You know that you are in the habit of
inveighing against various acts of Government in your
own homes and amongst your own families, and that
you, in the course of your visits to European gentle-
men, represent yourselves as quite satisfied with the
justice and wisdom of these very acts. Such a state
of affairs is inimical to the wellbeing of the country.
Far better would it be for India were her people to
speak out openly and honestly their opinions as to the
justice, or otherwise, of the acts of Government.

Mr. John Stuart Mill, in his able work on Political
Economy, says : “ The rights and interests of every or
of any person are only secure from being disregarded
when the person interested is himself able and habitu-
ally disposed to stand up for them. The second is
that the general prosperity attains a greater height,
and is more widely diffused, in proportion to the
personal energies enlisted in promoting it.” These
principles, my friends, are as applicable to the people
of India as they are to those of any other nation ; and
it is in your power, it now rests with you alone, to put
them into practice. If you will not help yourselves,
you may be quite certain no one else will. Why
should you be afraid? Here am I, a servant of

62

Syed Ahmed Khan.

Government, speaking out plainly to you in this public
meeting. My attachment to Government was proved,
as many of you know, in the eventful year of the
Mutiny. It is my firm conviction, one which I have
invariably expressed both in public and in private, that
the greater the confidence of the people of India in the
Government, the more solid the foundation upon which
the present Government rests, and the more mutual
friendship is cultivated between your rulers and your-
selves, the greater will be the future benefit to your
country. Be loyal in your hearts, place every reliance
upon your rulers, speak out openly, honestly, and
respectfully all your grievances, hopes, and fears, and
you may be quite sure that such a course of conduct
will place you in the enjoyment of all your legitimate
rights ; and that this is compatible, nay, synonymous
with true loyalty to the State, will be upheld by all
whose opinion is worth having.

A number of subscribers at once joined the association,
and Syed Ahmed Khan was elected secretary.

In November 1866, Syed Ahmed was presented by
Lord Lawrence, then Viceroy, with a gold medal and
a copy of Macaulay’s works for his good services and
efforts in the cause of education. The following is the
inscription on the medal : “ Presented by the Viceroy
of India, in public Durbar, to Syed Ahmed, a loyal
and valuable servant of the Queen, in recognition of
his continuous and successful efforts to spread the
light of literature and science among his countrymen.
Agra, 20th November i866.” The inscription attached
to Macaulay’s works, in his Excellency’s own hand-
writing, is — “ To Mouivi Syed Ahmed Buhadoor,
Principal Sudder Ameen of Allygurh, in recognition of
his conspicuous services in the diffusion of knowledge
and general enlightenment among his countrymen.
Agra, 20th November 1866.”

In 1867 he was transferred to Benares. Still, not
satisfied with what he had already done, he determined

Deiermination to Visit England,

63

to send his son, Syed Mahmud, to Cambridge, and to
accompany him himself to see what measures were
necessary towards the establishment of a similar
college in the North-West Provinces — ^more particu-
larly for the requirements of Mohammedans. Such a
determination shows what sort of a man he was. There
are not many native gentlemen who, at the age of
fifty- two, would undertake the long sea-trip to
England, and face the great change of climate and
habits which it involves.

[Note. — I t was I who suggested this visit to England. — A uthor.]

64

CHAPTER VIII.

SYED AHMED IN ENGLAND ^RECEIVED BY LORD LAWRENCE,

LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, ETC. MADE C.S.I. —

SPEECH AT SMEATONIAN SOCIETY PETITION TO THE

DUKE OF ARGYLL “ ESSAYS ON THE LIFE OF

MOHAMMED.**

On the loth April 1869, Syed Ahmed and his two sons,
— Syed Mahmud, who had obtained the first scholar-
ship of the North-West Provinces, given to Indian
youths to enable them to study in England, now Judge
of the High Court in the North-West Provinces, of
whom Mr. Whitley Stokes years afterwards said in the
Viceroy’s Council that he was ** the distinguished son
of a most distinguished father,” — ^and Syed Hamed,
now a District Superintendent of Police in the same
Provinces, — left Bombay, and on their arrival in
England took up their quarters in a house in Mecklen-
burg Square, W.C.

I was at home on furlough at the time, but was
unable to meet them till the end of May 1869, when I
ran up to town and had the pleasure of welcoming them
to England. I took them to the Derby, which inter-
ested and amused them greatly. What appeared to
astonish Syed Ahmed most of all was the moment when
the horses came round the bend before Tattenham

Syed Ahmed in England.

65

Corner. Up to this time the sea of hatless heads>
which had all been turned from us (we were at the back
of the Grand Stand), suddenly veered round as one man
as the horses changed their direction, and the sudden
flashing round of the multitude of white faces was a
sight which Syed Ahmed was particularly struck with.
The vast crowd was of much more interest to him than
the racing. His stay in England was made pleasant to
him by many people, particularly by Lord Lawrence,
who was most kind to him, asking him to dinner, and
calling on him once every month during his stay in the
country. Lord Lawrence knew Syed Ahmed’s family
well. Another friend whom he often saw was Lord
Stanley of Alderley, who, by his long residence at the
English Embassy at Constantinople, had acquired a
profound knowledge of the Mohammedan character and
religion, both in its social and political aspects. He
had an interview with Carlyle, and the Chelsea Sage
was unusually gracious to him. They talked long and
earnestly over “ Heroes and Hero-Worship,” especially
about Mohammed, of whom Carlyle expresses a very
high opinion in that work ; and also about Syed
Ahmed’s ” Essays on the Life of Mohammed,” then in
the press. Sir John William Kaye was another whom
he saw a good deal of and had correspondence with this
year. Syed Ahmed was present at the last reading
given by Charles Dickens. He was very kindly
received by the Duke of Argyll, then Secretary of State
for India, who introduced him to the Marquis of Lome,
and presented him with the insignia of the Companion
of the Star of India.

Lord Lawrence, on the 4th June 1869, wrote to him
as follows about this : “I am very glad to hear that
E

66

Syed Ahmed Khan,

you are to have the Third Class of the Star of India.
It is an honour you well deserve. Indeed I may say
that I recommended you for it before I left India.”
John Lawrence’s praise is worth having. The other
recipients of the Companionship of the Star of India on
the same day as Syed Ahmed were Messrs. Harrison,
Barlow, Boyle, and Captain Meadows Taylor. Here
is Syed Ahmed’s account of the ceremony : —

On Friday, the 6th of August 1869, I drove to the
India Office to receive the insignia of the Companion-
ship of the Star of India. The rest of the recipients
were also present. We were received by Mr. (after-
wards Sir John W.) Kaye, secretary to his Grace the
Duke of Argyll, Secretary of State for India, who
shook hands with us all, and spoke a few courteous and
congratulatory words to each of us. After a short
interval, Mr. Benthall, private secretary to his Grace,
entered the room where we were assembled, and
shaking hands with me, asked me to accompany him
into an adjoining room, where the Duke was waiting to
receive me. The Duke was seated without any appear-
ance or surroundings of ceremony, and rising, received
me very graciously, shook me by the hand, and intro-
duced me to his son, the Marquis of Lome, who was
present on the occasion. He conversed with me very
kindly for some minutes, and inquired after my sons,
especially about their education and the progress of
their studies. He spoke in English, of course, and I
answered him as well as I could in that language, and
only regret that I could not speak as correctly and
fluently as I could have wished. His Grace then pre-
sented me with the Star, together with the royal
warrant bearing the signature of the Queen, appointing
me a Companion of the Most Exalted Order of the
Star of India,” and after congratulating me on the
great distinction that had been conferred upon me
permitted me to retire. The other recipients having
been similarly summoned and invested with the Star,
we were all asked to lunch by the Duke, and sat down
to a really splendid luncheon, the Duke taking the head
of the table, and I, at his invitation^, taking the seat on

Received by Lord Lawrence,

67

his left. Many influential men, members of Parlia-
ment, and others, were present ; amongst others. Sir
Bartle Frere, whom I had already met before, and with
whom I had a long conversation. After lunch the
Duke retired, shaking hands with all present ; but the
rest of us continued at table over the dessert, and
chatting for some time after.

Syed Ahmed was also present at the dinner given at
Greenwich by the Smeatonian Society of Civil
Engineers, on the 13th July 1869, and made a speech on
the effects of engineering works on the Indian public,
which was translated and read out in English by Lord
Lawrence. The following is an extract from the
“ Daily News ” of the 21st July on the above : —

Smeatonian Society of Civil Engineers. — ^This
Society made an excursion down the Thames, and
afterwards had an entertainment at Greenwich, on
Thursday, the 13th instant. The party started from
Westminster in Mr. Penn’s steam-yacht, and visited,
under special arrangements, his Engine Manufactory
at Deptford, also Messrs. Siemen’s Telegraph Cable
Works at Charlton, and the Gun and Ammunition
Manufactories at the Royal Arsenal, Woolwich. The
inspections and the explanations given were of the
greatest interest, and afforded much information and
pleasure to the company. At the dinner there were
nearly fifty gentlemen, the chair being taken by Mr
Penn, the president for the year, and among those
present were Lord Lawrence, Syed Ahmed and his two
sons. Lord Alfred Churchill, Thaiszelek of Pesth, Baron
Joachunis, Honourable J. R. Howard, Mr. Reed,
(Admiralty), Sir J. A. L. Simmons ; Colonels Boxer,
Campbell, and Murray ; Captains Galton and Ruth :
Aldermen J. S. Gibbons and Sir Sydney Waterlow,
&c., &c., &c. The Society dates from 1771, when
Smeaton instituted a gathering of professional engi-
neers and men of science for friendly intercourse and
discussion.

On the 28th July 1869, Syed Ahmed addressed the
following letter to the Duke of Argyll : —

68

Syed Ahmed Khan.

My Lord Duke, — In laying before your Grace the
few following facts and the petition founded thereon, I
do so with full confidence that your Grace will give
them generous and liberal consideration.

I am, as no doubt your Grace is aware, one of her
Majesty’s subordinate Judges of India of the Uncove-
nanted Service, and have, as the accompanying papers
will prove, spent the best years of my life in the service
of the British Government, not without approval, and
may I be pardoned for hoping, not without benefit to
the Government and to my native land.

I have long felt that it was a great disadvantage to
my country and people, and especially to Indian officials
like myself, to have no personal knowledge of the land,
or the rulers, or even the institutions of the kingdom to
whom Providence has given the sway over India ; that
one of the chief requisites to bind us close to England
is, that there should be free and untrammelled inter-
course between us ; that we should be encouraged to
come freely to this centre of power and civilisation, and
to note for ourselves how true is the interest felt for
India’s good by our common sovereign, and by the
councillors of that sovereign. On the occasion of the
Durbar held in Oudh in 1867 by Lord Lawrence, our
late Governor-General, I availed myself of the oppor-
tunity to express these views to him, and was gratified
by his seeming to concur fully in them.

Government Resolution of the 30th June 1868, found-
ing nine scholarships to be given to Indian youths
desirous of completing their education in England, was
soon afterwards issued. This harmonised with my
previous views ; but knowing how many prejudices
exist in the minds of the great mass of my countrymen
against such a measure, involving as it does a sacrifice
of the daily habits of a lifetime, I determined to be the
first to avail myself of the opening given, and so applied
for and obtained one of the scholarships for my son,
who was then a student of the Calcutta University, and
had passed the examination entitling him to a nomina-
tion. He is now with me in London, and has com-
menced his course of study at Lincoln’s Inn. I also
did the utmost in my power to induce others of my
countrymen to follow my example, and avail them-

Letter to Dube of Argyll,

69

selves of the wise policy of Government, by establishing
an association for the encouragement of travel to
England.

Previous, however, to the grant of the scholarships,
wishing to set an example in my own person of seeking
knowledge of England, and its institutions and policy,

I had applied for furlough for eighteen months for this
purpose, petitioning at the same time, that under the
special circumstances of the case, I might have the
special indulgence of drawing full pay during the time
of my absence, and of counting the same towards
pension. An unfavourable reply was given, it being
stated that under the furlough rules for uncovenanted
officers I was not entitled to the favour solicited. This
much I knew before. It was the special indulgence I
had applied for that I hoped would have been conceded
to me, and, in a further application for the same, I
asked that my request might be placed before the
Secretary of State for India. Being now, however, in
England, I take the liberty of a direct appeal to your
Grace, praying your generous consideration of my
case.

In order to come to England I have been obliged to-
sell and mortgage my property, and the sum thus
raised will, I fear, not cover the inevitable expenses of
the coming and going and residing in England, and
that, if not aided, I may have to return to India an
indebted and impoverished man.

The following was the very satisfactory reply received
by him : —

India Office, S.W., yth August y i 86 g.

Sir, — I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of the 28th ultimo, requesting that you may
be permitted to draw full pay during your present
leave, and to reckon it as service towards pension, and
to acquaint you in reply that the rules do not admit of
a compliance with your request, but that, under the
circumstances stated in your letter,- the Secretary of
State for India in Council has been pleased to sanction
the grant to you as a special case, in consideration of
your services during the Mutiny, and of your general

70

Syed Ahmed Khan.

high character, of the sum of £2^0 per annum for two
years, in addition to the furlough pay to which you are
entitled under the rules. — I am Sir, your obedient
Servant,

M. G. GRANT DUFF.

Syed Ahmed Khan Bahador, C.S.I.

Syed Ahmed Khan acknowledged this letter in
very suitable and appropriate terms, concluding by
saying, “ I would further beg to request you to assure
the Right Honourable Secretary of State in Council
that, were it possible for anything to increase my
fidelity and attachment to the British Government and
to my most gracious Sovereign, it would be the honour
and kindness thus conferred upon me.”

Our native fellow-subjects in India will see from a
perusal of the foregoing how the British Government
values the good service and high character of its
subordinates.

On the 6th November he greatly enjoyed the sight of
the opening of the Holborn Viaduct by the Queen — a.
special invitation being sent him by the committee of
management.

During his stay in London, Syed Ahmed was made
an honorary member of the Athenjeum Club. Whilst
in England, he published a pamphlet, called ” Stric-
tures upon the Present Government System in India,”
which shall be mentioned hereafter, when treating of
his evidence given before the Education Commission
when member of the Legislative Council.

In 1870 he published ” A Series of Essays on the
Life of Mohammed, and Subjects Subsidiary thereto,”
in English, the publishers being Messrs. Trubner and
Co. These Essays are twelve in number, and were
translated by a friend. They show an extraordinary

Essays on Lifi of Mohammed /X

depth of learning, great toleration of other religions,
great veneration for the essential principles of true
Christianity, and should be attentively studied by all
interested in religion. Mohammedanism is to the mass
of the English nation an utterly unknown and bitterly
calumniated faith — a sort of religious bogey, just as
Bonaparte was a material bogey to our ancestors at the
commencement of the century. Popularly supposed to
be a religion of the sword, it is associated with all that
is fanatic, sectarian, and narrow-minded. Syed Ahmed,
of course, broke many a lance with Sir William Muir,
his intimate friend, over the latter’s Life of Mohammed;
and impartial critics will, I think, agree in giving their
verdict on many points against that learned author.
Apropos of Mohammedanism being accused of being a
religion of the sword, Syed Ahmed wrote : —

The remark that ** the sword is the inevitable penalty
for the denial of Islam,” is one of the gravest charges
falsely imputed to this faith by the professors of other
religions, and arises from the utter ignorance of those
who make the accusation. Islam inculcates and
demands a hearty and sincere belief in all that it
teaches ; and that genuine faith which proceeds from a
person’s heart cannot be obtained by force or violence.
Judicious readers will not fail to observe that the above-
quoted remark is entirely contrary to the fundamental
principles of the Moslem faith, wherein it is inculcated
in the clearest language possible ; ” Let there be no
forcing in religion ; the right way has been made clearly
distinguishable from the wrong one ” (chap. x. 98)
And also : ” If the Lord had pleased, all who are on the
earth would have believed together ; and wilt thou force
men to be believers? No man can believe but by the
permission of God, and He will pour out His indigna-
tion on those who will not understand ” (chap. ii. 257).

The principle upon which Moses was allowed to use
the sword to extirpate all idolaters and infidels, without
exception of one single individual, is by no means

Syed Ahmed Khan.

72

applicable to Islam. Mohammedanism grasped the
sword, not to destroy all infidels and pagans, not to
force men to become Moslems at the sword’s point, but
only to proclaim that eternal truth, the unity of the
Godhead, throughout the whole extent of the then
known globe.

According to Islam, the best and the most meritor-
ious act is the preaching and making generally known
the existence of one invisible God. It could hardly be
expected that, in the infidel countries, there could be
sufficient personal security for such Moslems who might
choose to inculcate by precept, exhort by preaching and
practise openly the worship of the unity of God ; and
therefore appeal was at once made to the sword in
order to establish the superiority of the Moslem power,
and to ensure security and tranquillity for such Moham-
medans as might choose to preach the wholesome
doctrine of their faith, and to live in peace in those
countries, so that their habits, conduct, and manner of
living might serve as an example for the unbelievers
The effect so desirable — viz., that the Moslems might
live in peace, and preach the worship of the one only
true God — was only attainable by one of three ways.
First, the voluntary conversion of the people ; secondly,
the establishment of peace and security by means of
alliances, offensive and defensive ; and thirdly, by con-
quest. As soon as the desired object was secured, the
sword was immediately sheathed. If tranquillity was
established by either of the last two methods^ the
parties had no authority to interfere with the religious
observances of the subject or of each other ; and every
person was at liberty to observe, unmolested by any
one, all the ceremonies and rites, whatever they might
be, of his creed.

The preceding observations likewise show clearly the
gross mistake into which some writers have fallen,
when they assert that in Islam “ toleration is un-
known.” But in saying this, we do not mean to deny
that some of the later Mohammedan conquerors were
guilty of cruelty and intolerance, but that the doctrines
of our religion ought not to be judged from their
actions. We must, however, inquire, in order to dis-
cover whether they acted according to it or not, and we
shall then arrive at an undeniable conclusion that their

Essays on Life of Mohammed.

73

actions were in opposition to the doctrines of their
religion. But at the same time, we find that those
conquerors who were anxious to act according to the
doctrines of their religion did practise tolerance, and
granted amnesty, security, and protection to all their
subjects, irrespective of caste or creed. History fur-
nishes us with innumerable instances of the tolerance of
Moslem conquerors, and we shall here quote a few
remarks made by various Christian writers, which
prove the tolerant spirit of Islam.

Though we are told that the Moriscoes were banished
because they would not turn Christians, I suspect there
was another cause. I suspect they, by their argu-
ments, so gained upon the Christians, that the ignorant
monks thought that the only way their arguments could
be answered was by the Inquisition and the sword ; and
I have no doubt they were right, as far as their
wretched powers of answering them extended. In the
countries conquered by the Caliphs, the peaceable
inhabitants, whether Greeks, Persians, Sabeans, or
Hindus, were not put to the sword as the Christians
have represented, but after the conquest was termin-
ated, were left in the peaceable possession of their
properties and religion, paying a tax for the enjoyment
of this latter privilege, so trifling as to be an oppres-
sion to none. In all the history of the Caliphs, there
cannot be shown anything half so infamous as the
Inquisition, nor a single instance of an individual burnt
for his religious opinion, nor, do I believe, put to death
in a time of peace for simply not embracing the religion
of Islam. No doubt the later Mohammedan con-
querors, in their expeditions, have been guilty of the
great cruelties Christian authors have sedulously laid
to the charge of their religion ; but this is not just.
Assuredly religious bigotry increased the evils of war,
but in this the Mohammedan conquerors were not worse
than the Christians.

John Davenport, in his “ Apology,” writes in the
following strain : “ It was at the Council of Nicea that
Constantine invested the priesthood with that fjower
whence flowed the most disastrous consequences, as the
following summary will show : the massacres and
devastations of nine mad crusades of Christians against
unoffending Turks, during nearly two hundred years.

74

Syed Ahmed Khan,

in which many millions of human beings perished ; the
massacres of the Anabaptists ; the massacres of the
Lutherans and Papists, from the Rhine to the extremi-
ties of the North ; the massacres ordered by Henry
VIII. and his daughter Mary ; the Massacre of St.
Bartholomew in France ; and forty years more of other
massacres, between the time of Francis I. and the entry
of Henry IV. into Paris ; the massacres of the Inquisi-
tion, which are more execrable still, as being judicially
committed ; to say nothing of the innumerable schisms,
and twenty years of popes against popes, bishops
against bishops ; the poisonings, assassinations ; the
cruel rapines and insolent pretensions of more than a
dozen popes, who far exceeded a Nero or a Caligula in
every species of crime, vice, and wickedness ; and
lastly, to conclude this frightful list, the massacre of
twelve millions of the inhabitants of the New World,
executed crucifix in hand ! It surely must be confessed
that so hideous and almost uninterrupted a chain of
religious wars, for fourteen centuries, never subsisted
but among Christians, and that none of the numerous
nations stigmatised as heathen ever spilled a drop of
blood on the score of theological arguments.”

The celebrated Mr. Gibbon, the greatest of the
modern historians, and whose authority cannot be
doubted or questioned, writes as follows : “ The wars
of the Mohammedans were sanctified by the Prophet ;
but, among the various precepts and examples of his
life, the Caliphs selected the lessons of toleration that
might tend to disarm the resistance of the unbelieving,
Arabia was the temple and patrimony of the God of
Mohammed ; but he beheld with less jealousy and
affection the other nations of the earth. The poly-
theists and idolaters who were ignorant of his name
might be lawfully extirpated ; but a wise policy supplied
the obligations of justice, and, after some acts of
intolerant zeal, the Mohammedan conquerors of Hindu-
stan have spared the pagodas of that devout and
populous country. The disciples of Abraham, of Moses,
and of Jesus were solemnly invited to accept the more
perfect revelation of Mohammed ; but if they preferred
the payment of a moderate tribute, they were entitled
to the freedom of conscience and religious worship.”

The author of an article entitled ” Islam as a Poli-

Essays on Life of Mohammed.

75

tical System,’* inserted in the “ East and the West,**
thus expresses himself on the subject under considera-
tion : “ Mohammed was the only founder of a religion
who was at the same time a temporal prince and a
warrior. Their power lay exclusively in restraining
violence and ambition ; his temptation was ambition,
and the sword was at his disposal. It is therefore to
be expected that, making religion a means of temporal
power, and having obtained that sway over the minds
of his followers by which they accepted as law and right
whatever he chose to promulgate, his code should be
found at variance with all others, and even in opposi-
tion to those dictates of justice which are implanted in
the breasts of all men. If, then, we find that it is not
so — if we find him establishing maxims of right in
international dealings, of clemency in the use of victory,
moderation in that of power, above all, of toleration in
religion, — we must acknowledge that, amongst men
who have run a distinguished course, he possesses
peculiar claims to the admiration of his fellow-
creatures.” Again he says; ” Islam has never inter-
fered with the dogmas of any faith, never persecuted,
never established an Inquisition, never aimed at
proselytism. It offered its religion, but never enforced
it ; and the acceptance of that religion conferred
coequal rights with the conquering body, and emanci-
pated the vanquished States from the conditions which
every conqueror, since the world existed up to the
period of Mohammed, has invariably imix>sed. ”

Copies of these Essays were sent by Syed Ahmed to
the Sultan of Turkey and the Khedive of Egypt.

76

CHAPTER IX.

SYED AHMED’S letters FROM ENGLAND ^JOURNEY ACROSS

INDIA ^THE BARODA MISS CARPENTER A RELIGIOUS

DISCUSSION SEA - SICKNESS ADEN EGYPT MAR-

SEILLES.

Whilst in England, Syed Ahmed wrote a series of
letters which appeared in the “ Allygurh Institute
Gazette ” in Urdu, and from these, as they are very
interesting, I give translated extracts : —

“ On the I St April 1869, I left Benares with my two
sons, and Chajju, my servant. On the 2nd we remained
at Allahabad, having an interview there with Sir
William Muir, and bidding farewell to numerous friends
and well-wishers. We left by the night train for
Jubbulpore, arriving there the next day, and put up at
Mr. Palmer’s hotel. On asking for a dak (the railway
was not then finished) to Nagpur, I found to my horror
that I ought to have booked one long beforehand, and
that not a single dak was available for seventeen days.
How in all the world were we to arrive in Bombay by
the 9th, the day on which our steamer was to sail?
By Mr. Palmer’s advice, I hired bullocks and a carriage
from Messrs. Howard & Co., and we got off at 8 p.m.
on the 3rd. For three days and three nights we
travelled without stopping, except for food, the stages

Letters from England.

77

for the bullocks being every five miles apart. At
Damoh we found the dak bungalow full of gentlemen
and ladies, so remained under a tree, sent for milk
sweetened with sugar, got a fowl, which Chujju cooked,
and some chupatiis, and enjoyed our meal extremely.

“ Going from Jubbulpore to Nagpur, the traveller
passes through three districts — viz., Seonee, Dewala-
pur, and Kampti. The road is an excellent one, but
passes through many ravines and over rivers, and in
some places the bullocks had difficulty in pulling us up,
and had to be supplemented by additional ones. On
our arrival at Nagpur we went to the railway station,
which we found crammed with Englishmen, women,
and children. We fortunately got a couple of small
rooms in a * go-down,’ and were glad to rest our-
selves after the fatigues of the road. Never having
come south of Allahabad, I was struck by the differ-
ences in the aspect of the country, particularly by the
black cotton soil, so different from that of the North-
West Provinces, and the frequent ranges of hills.

** On the 7th, at 9 a.m., we left Nagpur by train, and
reached Bombay at mid-day on the 8th. I was greatly
struck with the wonderful engineering works on the
ghats — the tunnels especially seeming to me to be
rather the work of Titans than of men. An amusing
episode occurred to me at one of the stations. I sent
a telegram to a friend which cost Rs.3. The signaller
shortly afterwards came to me and said, ‘ By omitting
two words the message will only cost Rs.a. Let me
have 8 annas, and you will thus save 8 annas, and the
company will not have been robbed ! ’ I cut off the
two words and presented the signaller with his 8 annas.
At Bombay wc stayed at the Byculla (Pallinjee) Hotel ;
and at 6 p.m. on the loth, the Peninsular and Oriental

7^ Syed Ahmed Khan.

steamship Baroda steamed out of the harbour with us
on board.”

The Syed gives a most minute account of the
Baroda, — the engines, cabins, baths, &c., being much
admired by him. The saloon, he wrote, is ” heaven ! ”
He laments his want of foresight at not having brought
a chair with him : —

” One of my fellow-passengers” he says, ” was
Major-General Babbington of the Madras Army, who
was most kind to us all, and who promised that we
should have no difficulty in getting from Marseilles to
Calais, owing to our want of knowledge of French.
Another was Miss Carpenter, so well known for her
philanthropy and her efforts in the cause of female
education in Calcutta and Bombay. I had long and
interesting conversations with her upon female and
general education, as well as upon other important
matters. Her want of knowledge of Urdu and my
want of knowledge of English was rather a drawback,
but we got on very well by using Mahmud and
Khudadad Beg (who joined our party at Bombay) as
translators. Miss Carpenter is a native of Bristol,
daughter of a Dr. Carpenter, and she has made herself
famous in her native town by her efforts in educating
the children of the poor. Raja Ram Mohan Rai, the
Unitarian, was a great friend of hers, and he died at
her father’s house whilst on a visit. It was his
description of the sad state of Indian women that
caused her voyage to India. She had a book with her
containing opinions on the state of Indian women from
many influential natives, and she asked me to contri-
bute mine thereto. I wrote : ‘ En route to London I
have made the acquaintance • of Miss Carpenter — ^an
acquaintance which honours and gives me the highest

Letters from England.

79

pleasure. Since I first heard her name in connection
with her efforts for the advancement of Indian women,

1 have been desirous of making her acquaintance.
Thanks to God, that pleasure has now been vouchsafed
to me.’ Her lofty aims, keen insight, and goodness of
heart are evidenced by her efforts in the cause of Indian
women. To interest one’s self in the education of
woman, whom God hath made as an helpmate to man
in good works, is worthy of every praise. To do good
in every way is most laudable, as, if the foundation is
good, good results must follow. Even if mistakes be
made at the commencement, efforts thus made excite
the emulation of others, and the right results will ensue
Efforts for good are sometimes frustrated owing to
their being contrary to the manners and customs of
those for whose good they are intended. In such cases,
it is like going contrary to nature ; and by doing so,
weapons are forged to prevent any good resulting.
God told Joshua to order the sun to stand still, although
that was wrong, as the order should have been for the
earth to stop ; but God knew what was the general
opinion on earth at that time, so gave His order in
accordance with the same. If thus we do not strive
after good in accordance with manners and customs,
we shall not have done as God did, and evil will result.
In any case, I trust and hope that Miss Carpenter’s
endeavours may be crowned with success, and that the
men and women of Hindustan, who are really one, will
have their hearts enlightened by truth and culture.

“ There was an officer of Royal Artillery on board
who one night came and sat beside me, and asked me
if I was going to London. I answered in the affirma-
tive.

“ He said, * I am no missionary, but an officer of

8o

Syed Ahmed Khan,

artillery from Madras, where I was told that there
were only three true religions — the Hindu, Christian,
and Mohammedan. I do not believe this, as there can
only be one true religion.’ I agreed with him,
adding that different religions resting on different
foundations could not all be true — that one religion,
even although there might be many sects in it, must be
the true one. He then said that, according to his
belief, the Christian was the true one. I said that
every one thought his own religion the true one. He
replied that others were wrong. I asked him what
proof he had of his being right and others wrong, — on
which he asked me to contemplate what the Christian
race had done ; how the English had been blessed by
God above all other nations ; how they surpassed all
other nations in the arts and sciences and philosophy ;
what a wonderful thing the ship we were in was, and
how she speeded through the waters by the appliances
of science. * You have seen,’ he said, * the wonders of
the railway and the telegraph. No other nation is so
powerful in war as mine. If any other religion were
the true one, God would have blessed it as He has
mine.’ I told him that all the things he had pointed
out to me were worldly matters — they proved nothing as
to the truth or otherwise of any religion ; that he should
remember that God did not give His dearly loved Job
or Jesus Christ much in this world ; that this world was
not for good men, but that they should look forward to
a future one. He remained silent for a short time, and
I hoped that he had finished, as I am extremely averse
to talking on religious subjects, seeing that by doing so
friendships are often prevented. Unfortunately, he
returned to the subject and said, * I wish to tell you
one thing which is undoubtedly true, and which 1

Letters from England,

8i

firmly believe in — i.e,^ that no one can enter heaven
except through Jesus Christ.* 1 told him that I had
already said that every one stands by his own religion,
on which he asked me if I in like manner believed in
Mohammed. As this question was slightly against my
religious belief, as I do not lean on any man but trust
entirely in God, I delayed a little before replying.
Thinking over it, I thought that as Mohammed had
taught me to trust in God alone, 1 might answer in the
affirmative, and I did so. He said, * Do I see, by your
hesitation, that you have not that full trust in
Mohammed? ’ I told him that there was something
slightly wrong in his question, as Mohammed had
taught us to believe in no other way of attaining to the
delights of Paradise than by believing in and
worshipping the one true God, and that I believed in
this as firmly as that 1 saw the bright star above me
He remained silent, and shortly after left.

** Although this religious discussion was distasteful
to me, I was of opinion, with regard to him, that he
was a true, humble, and loving Christian ; but I am
sorry to say that this did not prove to be the case, as
after this he never came near me or spoke to me. If I
met him and said ‘ Good morning,’ he merely salaamed
with his hand. I was several times on the point of
going up to him and asking him to pardon anything
that I had offended him by saying ; but as I did not
know him well enough, I did not like to do so, and
refrained.

“ As regards food arrangements, there are long
tables in the saloon, with benches and chairs sufficient
to accommodate the whole of the passengers. There
is a knife, fork, and spoon for each person. Every
one sits where he likes, having first put his card at the
F

82

Syed Ahmed Khan.

place which he may prefer. This seat is not changed
during the voyage. Tea and bread and butter are
provided early in the morning ; breakfast at 8 or 9 ;
tiffin at mid-day ; dinner at 4 p.m. ; and tea and coffee,
bread and butter and biscuits, at 9 o’clock. There is
always a plentiful supply of excellent fruit. The cook
and the man who kills and cleans the animals for food
are both Europeans. On inquiry, I found that such
animals as sheep, goats, &c., are killed by having the
principal vein in the neck severed — even Europeans
thinking it proper to let out the blood of such animals.
As regards fowls, Europeans merely wring their necks ;
and as this manner of killing them is lawful to Chris-
tians in the same way that we Mohammedans deem the
eating of fish and locusts lawful without cutting their
throats, therefore, according to the tenets of Moham-
med the Prophet, the eating of fowls killed in this
manner is also lawful for Mohammedans. For these
reasons, we ate freely of mutton, beef, chickens, and
pigeons — all excellent of their kind. At our first meal
sherry and claret glasses were alongside our plates,
but we turned them upside down. The tumblers we
kept for water. The steward who attended us,
thinking that we drank wine, brought us a bottle of
some kind ; and thinking that I must be the great man
of the party, having a long white beard, began pouring
some out for me. I said, ‘ No, no ! ’ and he stopped,
but gave me the names of a number of other wines. I
kept on saying * No, no ! only cold water,’ and he then
removed the wine-glasses and brought us iced water,
the liquor made by the Almighty for mankind. After
this he never brought us liquor again. I think pork is
never given till asked for. So it never came to us !

“ We were in high spirits when we started, and

Letters from England. 83

enjoyed the cool sea-breeze after the heat of the land.
On sitting down to dinner and eating a little, I felt my
brain shaking with the motion of the ship, which was
tossing a little. The side of my head which was
towards the side to which the ship pitched, felt as if a
great weight were in it, and the other side felt corres-
pondingly empty. The ship*s motions were frequent
and continuous, so also was the feeling in my brain.
We became uneasy and went on deck, where, after a
a walk, we felt better. At bedtime we went to bed and
slept well. In the morning I rose and repeated the
morning prayers, feeling very well. Khudadad Beg
was also all right, but Mahmud was silent, and lay
down a good deal. Hamid was worst of us all — his
head feeling heavy, his mind uneasy, and feeling
inclined to be sick. About noon I became bad, and my
head was so giddy that I was unable to rise. Mahmud
was not so ill, but hid himself all day and night.
Hamid got worse and worse— could not go into the
cabin, and lay on deck for four days and nights without
eating an atom, and loathing the very name of food.
The smell of it made him sick. 1 was ill for a day and
a half, when 1 became all right. Khudadad Beg kept
all right, although he felt slightly ill at times. Chajju
was also well, but I have my suspicions that he had
been sick. One of the ship’s officers, seeing how ill
Mahmud was, brought him some medicine in a glass,
with a little spirit in it — ^not wine or brandy, &c., but
some other spirit. Mahmud thanked him for so kindly
taking the trouble of bringing it for him, but said he
would not drink it if there was any spirit in it. The
officer urged Mahmud, but he continued firm ; so the
kind-hearted man went off and brought some medicine

84 Syed Ahmed Khan.

in which there was no spirit, and it did Mahmud much
good.

** Sunday prayers are repeated the same as on shore.
If there is no clergyman on board, the captain reads
them. We had the Rev. Mr. Taylor, of Kampti, on
board. All the English assembled on deck and seated
themselves on chairs and benches, and the clergyman
read prayers. 1 stood silently and respectfully near
them (walking every now and then), as God’s name
should be respected in every way. I saw the way God
was prayed to, and admired His catholicity. Some
men bow down to idols ; others address Him seated on
chairs, with heads uncovered ; some worship Him with
head covered and beads on, with hands clasped in pro-
found respect ; many abuse Him, but He cares nought
for this. He is indeed the only one who is possessed
of the attribute of catholicity.

“ I was thinking thus when the service concluded.
One of the passengers, a learned friend, asked me why
I did not attend the service, and 1 said that there was
no necessity for my doing so. He said, ‘ Is there not
one God? * I said, ' It is not so in your prayers.’ The
gentleman said no more.

** There has been a sorrowful event in our ship.

Captain was brought on board at Bombay in a

dying state — the only chance of saving him being a sea-
voyage. He died during the night of the iith. On
the 12th, in the afternoon, his body was brought out
on a board, covered with cloth ; two cannon-balls were
fastened to his legs, and the body was placed on the
side of the ship. The chaplain repeated prayers ; and
the board being tilted up, the body fell into the sea as
if jumping, and disappeared. The event produced a
singular effect upon me ; and thinking over his death

Letters from England, 85

and his being thrown into the ocean, 1 repeated the
following stanzas of Sadi : —

‘ When a pure soul has to take leave of the body,
What matter if it happen on a plank or on land? ’

When man dies, do what you like — ^burn him, commit
him to the deep, bury him in the earth, — what has been
has been, and what is to be is to be.

“ On the way to Aden we passed many sailing-
vessels and steamers on their way to Bombay, but
always at a distance of one or two miles. Only two
sailing-vessels came very close to us, which I shall
treat of presently. On sighting a vessel by day, flags
were run up ; and as each nation has a different flag,
the nationality of the vessel was ascertained when she
ran up hers. One night we met a steamer, and our
captain sent for fireworks, which first emitted a red,
and then — ^after a slight explosion — a white light.
Another one which burned blue kept alight for several
minutes. This conversation, kept up between vessels
miles asunder, struck me as very curious and desirable.
On the 1 2th April we met two English sailing-vessels
with coal, &C., on board, one of which signalled to us,
and flags were run up in reply. I inquired as to the
question and answer, and was told that the sailing-
vessel had asked the latitude and longitude, and we had
replied, 17® 20' latitude, and 65® 5' longitude. The
method in which the daily run is measured is very
curious and simple. There is a rope with a piece of
wood at the end — a quarter-circle — ^which is frequently
thrown over the stern, and is stopped when the sand in
a sand-glass runs out at the end of a minute, which is
the time the sand takes to empty itself in. The dis-
tance thus run in a minute gives the basis of the calcu-
lation for the hour. . . .

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Syed Ahmed Khan.

** The passengers as far as Aden had only two
games besides chess — ^viz., skittles and quoits. At
night our ship, as she sped on her way, displaced many
small insects, which gleamed and left a stream of light
behind us. Many curious flying-fish were seen — shoals
of them jumping out of the water on our approach, and
flying for thirty or forty yards before falling into the
sea. One of them flew into Major Fraser’s
cabin ! . . .

“ Shortly after leaving Bombay we got out of sight
of land — nothing but water being visible — ^the heavens
rising on all sides out of the ocean like a gigantic lid
This went on for six days and nights ; but early on
Friday, the i6th April, the Arabian coast came in sight,
greatly to my delight. As I gazed upon it, 1 thought
of God having caused our blessed Prophet to be born in
it. Major Dodd, Director of Public Instruction at
Nagpur, my great friend, came up to me as I was
gazing, and asked me if 1 had seen the land of the
Prophet ? I said ‘ Yes ; this is Arabia the blest. ’ That
evening the lofty mountain on which Aden is situated
was visible, the lighthouse to guide us in gleaming
brightly from it.

“ Early next morning we arrived at Aden — ^the vessel
casting anchor close to the shore. The journey so far
across the ocean had been prosperous and smooth, and
I blessed God for permitting it to be so. I hoped that
the Red Sea would prove the same. All four of us.
with Chajju, got into a small boat, and were rowed to
the land, where we found carriages and pairs, horses
and donkeys, all ready. There is a Parsi’s hotel here,
and a number of shops close by. The fort and canton-
ments are a little over two miles off. We drove to the
latter in a carriage and pair. The tanks for water here

iMUrs from England^

87

are wonderful — the date of their construction being
unknown. We first of all visited them, and found
them to be ten or twelve in number, built one above the
other, and very deep. When rain falls it fills the
highest, and when it is full, the rest are filled in succes-
sion. People say that they were built so that if rain
fell for only two hours or so, they would all be filled.
Aden being situated on the sea, the water is very
brackish — every well in the place being so. For this
reason, therefore, some king of Arabia — prior to the
advent of Mohammed — had these tanks excavated to
catch the rainfall, and the residents of Aden get all
their drinking-water from them. It is popularly sup-
posed here that they were built by King Shaddad. The
English have repaired them splendidly, iron railings
and pucka roads running round them all. Pretty
bridges are placed at intervals, and trees which can
flourish at Aden adorn the spaces between the tanks
There are benches for tired promenaders, and alto-
gether this hell upon earth has been turned into a little
paradise. The heat of Aden is beyond description —
not a single blade of green grass or a green tree being
visible. Water put out at night to drink is in the
morning like hot water, and there is no ice to be got.
Drinking-water is very dear, being three pice for a
serai containing three glasses. Close to the tanks
some Parsis and Arabs combined to dig a large one,
which also gets filled in its turn. It is of great depth,
and there was plenty of water in it at our visit.
Horses and cattle drink from it, and I believe each
animal’s drink costs two annas. I hear that the income
from this tank is reserved to the builders for seven
years, after which the income will go to Government.

“ We afterwards visited the bazaars, where we came

88

Syed Ahmed Khan.

across a couple of shops which sold roasted Indian
corn, of which we bought in memory of Hindustan.
We also bought bread and meat, and chupattis cooked
like those at the Kutab, near Delhi ; and going to a
masjidy had our food, and gave away what remained to
the beggars.

“ There are many races in Aden, but Arabs and
Egyptians preponderate. The Somalis are most
numerous, but I have not been able to find out what
race they are. They speak Arabic, but so badly that
I could only understand four or five words. They also
did not understand my Arabic well. I was greatly
delighted to hear these Somalis talking a little Urdu,
which they knew sufficient of to make it easy for a
Hindustani to get all necessary work done. The
Somalis are also pretty well up in English and
French — knowing the former, however, better than the
latter. There are several masjids here, the largest
being the ‘ Idris,* — the ‘ Jumma ’ being the largest
convent. On leaving our mosque where we had eaten,
I saw a Hindu, to whom 1 spoke, and found that he
was a Marwari from Bombay, and was then a merchant
at Aden. He had been here for a long time, having,
however, constantly visited Bombay. He told me that
there were three Hindu temples in Aden, those of
Mahadeo, Hanuman, and another, the name of which I
have forgotten, all of which had been built by contri-
butions from Hindus visiting the place. I was delighted
to find that Hindus could come so far across the ocean
in steamers without losing their caste. God grant that
the Hindus of my part of India will soon take this to
heart. All the inhabitants, shopkeepers and others,
were very dirty, the Somalis being just like savages.

LetUrs from England, 89

The English certainly are the cleanest of nations,
although some of their customs are open to cavil.

“ Although the Cantonment at Aden is a small one —
only, I believe, having some 300 or 400 English and
native soldiers — there is apparently a vast amount of
artillery. The Cantonment is well and prettily laid out,
and is situated inside the fortress. The bazaars are all
near at hand. The so-called fort is really a hill : hills
are all round, and the Cantonment is in the valley
within. The entrance road was made by the English
cutting through a hill. Ten determined men could
hold it against an army. Owing to the hills being well
fortified, Aden is practically impregnable. The sight
of it filled my heart with a sense of British power. It
is the outlying sentry on the road to India, and the
key to the Red Sea. If trouble were to break out in
India, any amount of munitions of war could be poured
into it in six days. If a quarrel broke out with the
Egyptian Government, or the French made an attack
on that country, an expedition could soon reach Egypt
from Aden with food and arms for 50,000 men. I say
that it is the key of the Red Sea, because the present
force in it is sufficient, if necessary, to prevent a single
vessel getting into or out of the Red Sea. It was
formerly under the Turks, and was, I think, taken
by the English about thirty years ago. Its affairs are
now under the government of India. I am told that,
prior to the advent of the English, it was in a wretched
state, with only one miserable Somali village- on the
hills, which is still to be seen, I believe. The Turkish
Wall was built after the arrival of the English, to
separate their fortifications from the soil of Turkey.
It is very high and strong, and is defended by guns
and Europeans. In it is a gate through which people

90

Syed Ahmed Khan.

go to and fro — ^all incomers, however, having to de-
posit any arms they may be carrying before being
allowed to enter. 1 am sorry that I was unable to visit
it. On the beach is a machine which changes sea-water
into good drinking-water, used by the residents. We
were greatly amused by numerous Somali boys swim-
ming and diving round the ship like frogs, and calling
for backsheesh. Any coin thrown into the sea is at
once dived after and brought up by them. I counted
twenty-one boys in the water, all of them remaining
from 8 A.M. to 5 p.m. without ever getting out, and
constantly diving for two-anna bits.

“ At 5 P.M. on the 17th April we weighed anchor
and started for Suez. An Arabian pilot called Mutwalli
came on board at Aden who did not know of what race
he was (the Adenites call them * Arkatis ’), whose pro-
nunciation of Arabic was similiar to that of the Somali,
and who was illiterate, and said that he was a native
of ‘ Bari-i-Arab. * He was filthily dirty, but knew a
good deal of English and French. I was told that we
should pass through the Straits of Bab el Mandeb
during the night; and as I had always heard that the
passage was dangerous, I was very anxious to see it.
On nearing it 1 was awoke by a man whom I had asked
to do so, and saw hills — ^but not very lofty ones^—on
both sides. The pass appeared to be about three miles
broad, and not in the least dangerous; but it may be so
from sunken rocks. Perhaps for sailing vessels or
other nations’ vessels besides the English it may be
dangerous, but our vessel glided through it in perfect
safety, although in the night-time. Europeans have
certainly brought the science of sailing to the utmost
perfection, and can take their vessels to the uttermost
parts of the earth in one straight line for hundreds and

Letters from England. 91

thousands of miles. If they wish their vessel to des-
cribe a circle, she obeys like a well-trained circus-
horse. During the night I saw a very small island
called Perim, situated at the very entrance to the Red
Sea. It is about three miles long by one broad. The
lighthouse is the only building upon it, and some few
sepoys are there to signal with flags. A few years ago
it was uninhabited, and did not belong to any nation-
ality. Perhaps, according to European international
law, any nation that wanted it might take it. Louis
Napoleon, Emperor of France, sent a vessel out to
take it, which vessel came by a long roundabout way
to Aden, where she anchored, intending to take posses-
sion of Perim the next morning. The English com-
manding officer at Aden went on board at night to pay
the captain a visit, dined there, and was told by the
French officer of the object for which he had come.
The English officer took a bit of paper and pencil out
of his pocket, and wrote — under the table — ^a note to
the captain of the English steamer then at Aden, telling
him to light the fires and get up steam at once. The
writer remained chatting with his host, and after a
little bade him good night — went straight on board his
ship, and steaming out of the harbour, reached Perim
during the night, and planted the British flag on it. In
the morning the French officer arrived, and found to
his astonishment the English flag flying. He went
back much mortified. It is said that Napoleon was
greatly incensed when he heard of this, and made
numerous representations on the subject in London,
but without avail. His object was to get a coaling-
station for French steamers.

“ On the morning of the i8th April we were in the
Red Sea, and a couple of days later fine lofty hills were

92

Syed Ahmed Khan.

in sight. On the one side we could see Arabia, on the
other Africa. The hills on both sides were barren to a
degree — not a sign of a tree or of water was to be
seen.

“ On the night of the 22nd we were roused out of
our sleep by the sea pouring in through the port-holes
and drenching our beds. Wc got rather frightened, and
took refuge in the saloon, and found that all the cabins
on our side had fared similarly — their occupants all
running into the saloon ! The stewards were called,
the port - holes were shut, and the drenched bed-
linen carried away. We passed the night as best
we could. Mahmud, against my advice, persisted in
sleeping on the wet bed-clothes, and got rheumatism
in his arm in consequence. It only lasted a day, how-
ever. The wind became very high, right in our teeth,
and the vessel pitched violently, and I was very ill —
my head aching dreadfully, but I was not actually sick.
The English were astonished at my being unwell on
such a lovely sea, and said ‘ None of us are ill.* I
noticed, however, that some were — a few very ill
indeed ! Mirza Khudadad Beg was very ill also ;
Hamid ditto. On the wind and sea falling, most of us
were all right again. A lady said to me ‘ Don’t drink
liquor to get intoxicated — I never touch it myself — but
take a small quantity of brandy as a medicine; 1 will
call the steward and tell him to bring you some. You
will get well at once.’ I thanked her warmly, but said
I was unable to touch it.

“ On this day we overtook the steamer Ganges, w^hich
had left Bombay three days before us. Both vessels
saluted with flags, and then had a conversation by
means of the same. On the first occasion of this being
done, I was under the idea that they could only speak

Letters from England^

93

on nautical matters; but I found that I was mistaken,
and that a conversation could be kept up on anything
under the sun. On this occasion the Ganges asked us
to pitch her a rope and tow her, to which we laughingly
replied, * Come along behind us.* This art of talking
by means of flags is confined only to Americans and
Europeans. There is a locked signal-book kept on
board, in which everything necessary to work the ship
is entered in the most simple manner possible — so much
so, that even men who cannot read well can understand
and do their work. This is entirely owing to the fact
that all the arts and sciences are treated of in the
language that they know. If all the arts and sciences
were not given in English, but in Latin, Greek, Per-
sian, or Arabic, the English would be in the same state
of ignorance as, 1 am sorry to say, the masses of Hin-
dustan are buried. Until we assimilate these arts and
sciences into our own language, we shall remain in this
wretched state.

“ On this day I saw Sinai, the mountain of the
prophet Moses, and examined it through a telescope.

1 heard that a Roman Catholic church has existed on
its summit for many years. At night we passed the
island of Shirwan, which belongs to Africa; but I was
unable to sec it well owing to the darkness. I was told
that there was a station of the Overland Telegraph
Company on it. It is but a small island, about eight
or ten miles in length, and two or three in breadth.

“ On Friday the 23rd April, at 7 a.m., we arrived all
right at Suez, where we disembarked, and went to the
Suez Hotel. We were now in the territory of the
Viceroy of Egypt. On entering the hotel, I saw the
first signs of being in Turkish territory in the following
words, in Arabic, written on the belts of the hotel ser-

94

Syed Ahmed Khan,

vants : ‘ Suez Hotel.’ This hotel is an excellent one —
is two-storeyed all round, with good accommodation
for travellers. In the centre is a square with a
shamiana (a large square tent on poles at each
corner), all decorated with flowers in pots or tubs,
laid out tastefully, lining the walls. In the centre of
all are tables and chairs for the occupants. Large
numbers of donkeys are always at hand to make the
tour of the town. A number of the English said they
would go and see the Canal, flve miles ofl; and I also
intended going, but on hearing that the earth was
merely being excavated, I did not care to go. My
friend Major Dodd, and some ladies and gentlemen,
went off to see it in a three-horse chaise; and I would
have gone too if I could have got a carriage, but could
not. Many Englishmen went off to it on donkeys, and
one English lady also I saw get on a donkey and ride
off in splendid style ! On an Englishman requiring a
donkey, there was a grand tamasha — dozens of donkey-
boys rushing up to him, elbowing each other out of the
way, and entreating him to take their donkeys, crying
out ‘ Donkey, sir ! donkey, sir ! Very good, sir I ’
There was such a row, and such a number of quadru-
peds enveloped the would-be rider, that he felt rather
uncomfortable, till at length he got on somebody’s
donkey.

“ I walked on the sea-shore, and then to the town,
where I saw a very small and narrow bazaar filled with
Egyptians, Turkish, German, and Greek merchants,
many of the people talking Arabic. A novel feature
to me was that the whole bazaar was paved with wood,
which facilitated the carrying off of rain, which appar-
ently does not often fall. There was no sun in the
bazaar. I talked a long time with those who talked

95

Letters from England,

Arabic, and the three youngsters bought Turkish fezzes
and knives. I bought some Arabian bread, which I
found to be of excellent flavour. We then went on to
see the railway station, where I saw a Turkish officer,
who, with the exception of a red cap, was dressed
exactly like an Englishman. He had, however, a
string of beads in his hand. I saluted him, and he
me, but said nothing. Returning to the bazaar, I
found a well-to-do-man standing with a turban on, and
I saluted him, and commenced talking to him in Arabic.
His name was Shaikh Ismail, and he was a native of
Surbaya in Java. He had his son, Shaikh Usman,
about eighteen years old, with him. He was a
traveller — was formerly a Syrian, but had been in
Java for twenty-five years, and had been to China,
Australia, and India. He was in Egypt, he said,
merely for pleasure. He spoke a little Urdu. In
the Suez Hotel 1 made the acquaintance of Mohammed
Takir, who is a writer in the service of the Nawab
Nazim of Murshedabad, and who had been summoned
to his master in London. He was going viA South-
ampton.

“ From Aden to Suez there are lighthouses at all
dangerous parts, such as where there is little water
or sunken rocks. These are worked by men, a bril-
liant light being thrown on the water from evening till
morning, which can be seen from long distances.
Those that I saw were at Perim, Abul Khissan, and
Asharfi. The second, that at Abul Khissan, is entirely
in the water. The lighters have a solitary life of it,
being only relieved every two or three months : I pity
their loneliness. That at Asharfi is a very fine one,
and is close to Suez. It is 140 feet in height, of iron,
and well worth seeing. From Suez to Alexandria the

96

Syed Ahmed Khan.

journey is by Egyptian railway, all the officials of which
are Egyptian, Turks, or Greeks.

“ On the afternoon of Friday, the 23rd April, we
left Suez by rail. I was under the impression that the
country between Suez and Alexandria was a desert,
and that we should get no water en route. I therefore
laid in a supply of three serais ful (jugs) of water. We
slept during the night ; but I woke up before daylight,
and found that we were at a handsome station, well lit
up with lamps, just like those in use in India — the name
of the station being Tautana. The night being dark,
I could not see the town of this name, which is said to
be a large one. In the morning a populous and hand-
some city came in view, the houses of which looked
just like English ones. There were numerous minarets
of mosques also. In Egypt the custom is not followed
of having two minarets to' each mosque, but one is built
at any part of the inner square for the calling out of
the aean (call to prayer). There is a similar single
minaret near Delhi, near the Kutab Saheb Dargah, in
the mosque of Kuwat-ul-Islam, called the * Lat of the
Kutab Saheb.* I was very pleased at seeing this city
on route t and on inquiry found that its name was
Kafar-uz-Ziat, and that some renowned Bedouin chief
is buried there. Soon after daybreak I got out at a
station near the Nile, where there is a capital hotel,
at which we had coffee and bread and butter. The
arrangements in this hotel were exactly the same as
at an English one — the attendants only being Turks,
dressed in English style, with fezzes on their heads
English and Mohammedans mingled together at the
same tables. I never tasted such splendid coffee,
dashed with cow*s milk, as I tasted here. Soon after
leaving, the Nile came in sight, crossed by an excellent

Views on Egypt,

97

though ugly iron bridge, which we went over. The
ugliness of this bridge struck me, as in India our iron
bridges are so graceful. We soon reached Damanhour
station, which is the last before Alexandria, and arrived
at the latter alongside our vessel, getting into her at
once. We made ourselves comfortable in the Poona.

I was sorry not to have had a look at Alexandria,
except the few buildings visible from the sea. The
port was crowded with steamers — sailing-vessels and
budgerowSf — one of the former being a French man-
of-war, which was then on some business or other.

I observed the Viceroy’s steamer — 2l very handsome
one, built in England— close by. There were one or
two batteries on shore. There was a large house built
on purpose for the viceroy’s landing or embarking,
but it did not seem to be a beautiful one. Close to it
was the lighthouse.

“ From the cursory view of Egypt which I got I
was astonished. I have seen Malwa, which is thought
to be the richest country as regards crops in India;
but Egypt beats it into a cocked-hat. Its land seems
to be splendidly manured, and the canals, with their
branches, are innumerable. As far as I could see,
there was not a single field unwatered by a canal. The
science of canal-making is hereditary in the Egyptians.
On all sides were sluices for regulating the water-
supply. Where the land to be irrigated is higher than
the canal, a wheel with buckets is made, which, driven
by a donkey, pony, or bullock, carries the water up
and throws it into a channel. In India our practice
is to throw the water up in baskets worked by two
men — and the Egyptian method would certainly be an
improvement on it. At one place I saw a well being
worked — ^the water being raised by a Persian wheel

G

98

Syed Ahmed Khan.

similar to, but lighter and less expensive than, those
in use in the Karnal and Panipat districts. I saw
ploughing going on like ours in India — two horses or
ponies, or bullocks, or buffaloes, drawing the plough.

“ The special train that took us across Egypt con-
sisted of first and second class only, built at Birming-
ham — the second class, in which my servant Chajju
sat, being superior to those in use in India, they having
leather cushions. The first-class carriages are exceed-
ingly good and comfortable. In both classes there
is room for eight persons — four on one side and four
on the other. There are no arrangements for sleep-
ing — each sleeping as in an arm-chair. There are no
lavatories, &c., except at stations. I am told that
these are the carriages in general use throughout
Europe. The engine-drivers, guards, and attendants
are all Egyptian or Turks, and are well up to their
work, and very careful. What struck me was that
all the carriages, pumps, pillars, rails, and all the
various machines in use on this railway, even down to
the iron rivets, were of English or French manufac-
ture : not one of them had been made in Egypt or
Turkey. There is certainly one thing in favour of the
Egyptians, contrasted with natives of India — i.e., that
they can use the above materials, which my unfortu-
nate fellow-countrymen cannot. The reason why the
Egyptians can do this is, that all the scientific words
necessary have been brought into use in their language,
and this must be the case with us before we can rise
to their level. One matter which grieved me was the
dirty state of the railway and stations — the lanterns
looking as if they had not been cleaned for months,
and the beautiful iron pillars for giving water to the
engine being inches deep in dirt. The same applies to

On the Mediterranean.

99

the canals, the banks of which were perfectly
untrimmed — being just as they were when the earth
was shovelled up and thrown on them. There is no
doubt that the Europeans sucks in a love of cleanliness
and beauty in all things with his mother’s milk. The
people of other lands have it not.

“About noon on the 24th April we left Alexandria
for Marseilles, and I found myself for the first time on
the Mediterranean. Our pilot was Alhaj Ahmed Baggri,
a native of Alexandria, a very able and fine-looking
man, and very well dressed, having on a long cloth
coat similar to an English one, with trousers of the
Egyptian pattern — baggy above and tight below — a
shirt beneath the coat, a shawl round his waist, and a
red fez on his head, with a very small turban. He was
a well-read man in Arabic, talking that language
fluently and well, as also English and French. He and
I saw a good deal of each other, conversing in Arabic
whenever there was an opportunity. He praised the
Government of Egypt, of Cairo, and of Alexandria.
When he found out that I was descended from the
Bani Hashim Syed Rizwi, he became most friendly and
respectful. Not a word of Urdu did he know — nor any
geography, not even having heard of Delhi ! He asked
me how large was English rule in Hindustan, and
whether there were any other rulers, and I told him all
about the country — its cities, &c., and the English
Government system. The Poona was a larger, better,
and a faster vessel than the Baroda. She was built in
1862, and is 307 feet long, 41 feet wide, and 31 feet
deep. The engines are 6oo-horse power, and are of a
new sort, the whole being open to view. The Poona
is a vessel of 2200 tons, and has a crew of 12 1 — all
Europeans. The captain, who has been at Bombay,

lOO

Syed Ahmed Khan.

knows Urdu slightly and French well. Some of my
former fellow-travellers had left us for Southampton or
Trieste, and we had received some new passengers, so
that altogether we were now loo on board. I was
glad that Major Dodd, Miss Carpenter, and other
friends were amongst us. A new thing on this ship
was the arrangements of the bath-room. On the other
side there was no use for hot water, but on this side
Europe commences and the cold is felt. In the bath-
rooms, therefore, there are the following excellent
arrangements : The bath is the same as on the Suez
side, except being of iron ; there are two pipes and
three taps, by turning one of which cold water rushes
in — ^by turning another, steam rushes in and warms the
water in five minutes — the third empties the bath.

“ The day we left. Major Dodd said to me after
dinner, * Now you are in Europe.’ I was delighted at
my first day in it, and told him so. Major Dodd then
said, * You have left the land of the Prophet and come
into that of the Kaffirs.’ Although what he said was
not what I could say was bad, and what he said harshly
was with reference to his fellow-countrymen, I did not
like it at all, and was displeased. I thought to myself
how uncivil and impolite such a saying was, and
wondered how it should have been said by a mild and
just Director of Public Instruction. I waited a little,
but thought I would not say this ; 1 said, * Do not say
that ; say rather that 1 have come to the land of the
“ people of the Book.” ’ For hours after, however, 1
could not forget this saying of his, and wondered what
sort of disposition his was. At last I came to the
conclusion that he had not said it from bigotry, but
that it had escaped him by chance, and I therefore
erased from my mind all feeling of displeasure.

The Syed meets M, de Lesseps, lox

** Amongst the new passengers whose acquaintance
I made was that of Mr. Fitzpatrick, formerly Deputy-
Commissioner of Delhi, who was most kind to me.
One day we were talking of the good and the evil of
the Punjabi administration, and 1 said, ‘ Yes, it is a
despotic Government, and undoubtedly a thousand
times better than that of the Sikhs. Perhaps the
Panjabis are happy and contented, as they have been
taken out of the fire and put in the sun ; but we are not
pleased with it. If you want to know the opinions of
those who were formerly in the regulation provinces,
ask the inhabitants of Delhi, Panipat, Rohtat, Hissar,
Lirsa, &c., as to the goodness or otherwise of the non-
regulation system. As far as I know, these people
believe that one of the punishments meted out to Delhi,
&c., was the making them over to the Panjab non-
regulation Government. The truth is, that in these
days people do not like a despotic rule, nor are there
now the benefits which, amongst a thousand blots, were
to be found in former despotic Governments. It is
impossible that these benefits can exist now in any
despotic Government; and those who suppose that a
despotic Government would now be far better than a
constitutional one are entirely wrong. It is just as if a
man who only saw a grove of trees in the autumn,
could give a correct opinion as to how it would look in
spring. ’

** One great pleasure to me on board the Poona was
meeting M. de Lesseps, who, as all the world knows,
is the maker of the Suez Canal, and who, although
many of the first engineers of the age asserted the
impossibility of its being made, stuck to his firm belief
in its constructibility, and said he would do it himself.
He did it, and has now united two oceans. M. de

102

Syed Ahmed Khan.

Lesseps was with the Prince of Wales on his Royal
Highnesses visit to the Canal, and came with him from
Suez in the Poona to see it. It was on the second day
of our voyage that I heard about him. He does not
know English ; but the captain, who knows French,
introduced me to him, and M. de Lesseps was most
kind to me, and shook me warmly by the hand. I was
delighted to find that he spoke a little Arabic, and
conversed with him to some extent in that language.
From that day he always met me cordially, and we sat
for hours daily at the same table writing. One day he
told, before a lot of people, the story of the Suez Canal,
and mentioned several old traces of the time of Moses
found in its neighbourhood. He told me that when I
returned from England, he hoped the vessel that 1
would be in would pass through the Canal, as he
thought that six months would not elapse before it was
open to vessels of all sizes. It was a very great
pleasure and honour to me to meet a man whose deter-
mination and pluck were equal to his science, and who
has not his equal in the whole world.

The day before reaching Marseilles, all the English
in the ship agreed to present M. de Lesseps with an
address, congratulating him on his success with the
Canal ; and the address was presented to him after
dinner on the 28th April. Captain Methven first of all
made a long speech, then Mr. Ousley, then General
Japp, then Mr. Bartlett, then Mr. Saunders, and then
the address signed by all the passengers on board was
presented. He stood up to receive it, and made a
lengthy speech of thanks in French. The best parts of
the speeches which are worth remembering are : ‘ It is
undoubtedly but proper,^ said General Japp, ‘ that the
Canal, instead of being called that of Suez, should be

^noiner unjuvjunute £\€7fwrH,

known as ** the Lesseps Canal.’*’ I perfectly agree
with him that a man like him should have every possible
honour — an honour, especially, which would hand his
name down to posterity — shown him. In the course of
his speech M. de Lesseps said that * 1 shall feel more
grateful and honoured if, instead of the Canal being
called by my name, it be called by that of “ France.” ’
When I was told by a friend of this, my heart was
filled with gladness, and I applauded the generosity of
the brave man who desired his country’s fame rather
than his own pleasure and honour. I lamented the
degeneracy of my own race, who are, as a rule, steeped
in envy and all uncharitableness, and saw only too
plainly that by such bad habits they are dishonoured
and unfortunate. It must be noted here that in Egypt
the Canal is known from highest to lowest as the
* French * Canal. This great work of the French
constitutes a new epoch.

” I was astonished, by the by, by what my friend
Major-General Babbington wrote in Miss Carpenter’s
book, on being requested to write something. He
wrote that ‘ the natives of India are heartless and
ungrateful.’ These words showed me that, in spite of
his apparent pleasure in mixing with us Indians, in his
heart he had but a poor estimation of us, and the
consequence is that Englishmen and Hindustanis are
not friends. Hindustanis have queer ideas about the
English, and the English have other ideas about the
Hindustanis. There are no doubt errors on both sides.

” Nasiban, ayah to Mrs. Couper, the wife of the
Deputy-Commissioner of Lucknow, was on board, and
she was as wonderful a person in her way as the Suez
Canal is a work. She is a Pathani of Cawnpore, and
she told me this was her twenty-first trip to Europe,

X04 Syed Ahmed Khan.

being always employed in attendance on children. She
knew English well, and had been to England, Scotland,
Ireland, France, Portugal, &c. I thought to myself
that she was better than most men. I was once
standing talking with her — Major Dodd, my good
friend, being by — and I asked her what her religion
was. She said, * I am a Mohammedan. ’ Major Dodd^
either in fun or sneeringly, said, ‘ Of your religion.*

I most cordially and pleasantly agreed with him, and
said that all men are my lineal brothers, being born of
our common ancestor ; and all Mohammedans are my
brethren in religion, being believers in one God.

“ On the voyage to Marseilles there were many
interesting sights. For three days nothing was visible
but water; but on the 27th, about 4 p.m, the coast of
Italy and Sicily came in sight, and the farther we went,
the more wonderful became the sights-“Cities following
one upon the other in numbers. On our right was
Italy, on the left Sicily; and on entering the Straits of
Messina, these countries were so near that it almost
seemed that I could put one hand on the one and the
other hand on the other.

“ I wanted very much to see Mount Etna, but was
unsuccessful in the Straits ; but the moment we got
out of them, it stood in front of us, and was quite
plainly seen through binoculars. It was not in action.
I was disappointed that we passed Capria and the
Straits of Bonifacio at night — the former the residence
of Garibaldi. Corsica, the birthplace of the great
Napoleon, was also missed by us. I had a great desire
to view the cottage of Garibaldi, the generous and the
brave, — that cottage which is more honoured and
revered than the palaces of powerful rulers, — ^and 1
regret extremely that owing to the darkness this

Toulon — a Naval Review.

105

pleasure was denied me. Stromboli, the crater on the
island of Sardinia, was visible to the naked eye, and I
saw it very well through the binoculars. It is 3000
feet high, and when active the flames are seen from
long distances. It was not active when we passed. I
cannot describe the beauties of the towns which I saw
on the shores of Italy and Sicily. English towns are
in themselves beautiful, but the sight of these lovely
towns, nestling at the foot of and on the mountains
made by nature, made a pow^erful impression upon me.
There were many lovely churches built on lofty spurs
on the mountains. Railways run along the shores and
hills of Italy — long iron bridges spanning the creeks
and rivers — ^and stations being dotted along the line.
All these add to the beauty of the scenery, and must be
seen to be appreciated. Messina, the capital of Sicily,
is a large and splendid city, and we passed quite close
to it, seeing it all very plainly. The walls of the
citadel come down to the sea, and picturesque batteries
line the shore. At one time Sicily was for long in the
hands of the Mohammedans, but I could not see any
buildings built by our race. That there must be some
traces of our occupation is, I think, certain.

“ The next morning, on emerging from the Straits
of Bonifacio, Toulon, a French city, came in sight,
and I saw for the first time in my life, although I had
heard of it, a wonderful picture — viz., twelve line-of-
battle ships, all manoeuvring together, and firing
shotted guns. Like soldiers the vessels paraded, —
sometimes being in twos, &c., and then forming line—
sometimes steaming away, and then returning like
leaves blown about from the tree. When the numerous
shells struck the water, pillars of water like fountains
were thrown up, and it was where these rose up that

io6 Syed Ahmed Khan.

we knew the shells had fallen. It was a wonderful
sight, seen by me for the first time in my life.

1 had been told that the waves in the Mediterranean
were very big, and that vessels were much damaged
by them; also, that hurricanes were frequent. As I
had suffered whenever the weather was rough, I was
much afraid on this point ; but for a wonder, the sea
was perfectly calm, like water in a cup. The passen-
gers said that this was very unusual. Several whales
were sighted, and showed themselves freely before
diving down again. Sometimes two or three could be
seen playing about together, just like kittens. Those
that I saw were the size of Ganges boats.

“ On the 29th April, at night, we reached Marseilles
all safe. The docks here are very fine, large ships
being able to lie alongside of them. Our vessel was
moored to one, and we walked ashore. Prior to
arriving, all the luggage was brought up from the hold,
and piled on deck and ticketed. On the arrival of the
vessel, the French Customs officers came on board, and
the whole of the baggage was made over to them. In
the large Custom-house the boxes were ranged on
tables according to the letters of the alphabet, and we
all assembled in an adjoining room, which was com-
fortably furnished with tables and chairs. In a short
time a narrow door opened into the large room, and
the travellers all crowded to get in. An official, how-
ever, only allowed a certain number in, who opened
their baggage for the inspection of the officials. The
search was conducted very quietly and easily, the
officials sometimes merely asking gentlemen if they had
anything dutiable ; and on their replying in the nega-
tive, the boxes would be shut up. Others again, when
told that there was a certain amount of dutiable articles.

Elxperiences of the Marseilles Custom House, 107

took the traveller’s word for it, and assessed him
accordingly. We had ten boxes with us, and amongst
other things in them were a pair of new shawls
wrapped up in a separate parcel. Some of my friends
told me that, although they were not subject to duty,
being for wear, it would be as well not to keep them
separate. I accordingly opened the parcel, and put the
shawls with my other clothes. On my boxes being
opened, Khudadad Beg, Hamid, and Chajju went into
the room, and were asked if they had only wearing
apparel and nothing liable to duty. Khudadad Beg
said they had nothing. He was asked if he had any
tobacco, and replied in the negative. He was told he
might take his boxes away, and porters carried them
outside, and marked them as having been examined.
The same procedure went on at other tables, and the
whole examination did not probably last longer than an
hour and a half.

“ With regard to the Peninsular and Oriental
Company, which had so far brought us on our way to
England, I think that the arrangements for the comfort
of travellers on board their vessels are excellent. I
made over all my luggage to their agent in Bombay,
and they were responsible for its transit through
Eg\pt. The names of the passengers who were to
occupy the different railway carriages were affixed by
an agent of the Company to each carriage. Some of
the English passengers complained of the food from
Bombay to Suez; but I thought that rather unreasonable,
as it is impossible to have meat very good in a warm
climate. The meat on the Europe side was such as I
have never before tasted, and altogether the passengers
should be very grateful to the Company.

** On landing at Marseilles I saw numerous cabs and

io8 Syed Ahmed Khan,

omnibuses, and a number of very gentlemanly men
standing about. These were the hotel commissionaires,
who at once asked me what hotel I was going to. I
said, * The Hotel de Louvre,’ as we had beforehand
arranged to go there. The hotel commissionaire at
once brought up his omnibus, and put all our luggage
on It, we having no trouble with it whatever. Other
passengers joined us, and we drove off to the hotel.
It was night as we drove through the first European
city that I had ever been in, and I felt almost off my
head as I gazed from one side of the streets — all
splendidly lit up — to the other, and saw the rows of
such brilliant shops as I had never seen before. The
Dewali illuminations in India were nothing to them.
The shop-fronts were brilliant with goods, and their
glass doors and windows were often ten feet long by
as many feet broad. The wares were all visible from
the outside, and were so beautifully arranged that they
resembled a garden. They were lighted up with lamps
and candelabra. The street-lamps were also extremely
well lit up with gas. As I had never before seen any
city so brilliant, — ay, not even the residences of Indian
nobles are so, — I was completely overcome, and won-
dered how it all was done. In one street there were a
couple of shops which were particularly brilliant, their
roofs also being of glass ; whilst inside were various
plants and creepers, including cypress-trees in china
pots — ^beautiful chairs all about, and many people
^tting in them, some few of them women — ^the whole
lit up with gas. I thought that there must be a
marriage going on in them, and that they were on this
account so well got up ; but 1 found out afterwards
that they were merely public refreshment-houses or
cafeSf and that there were great numbers of them.

Description of Marseilles, 109

How good God is, that He enables even workmen to
refresh themselves in such paradises as could never
have been conceived by Jamshed !

“ The Hotel de Louvre is a wonderfully good one.
The open space inside is oval, with a glass roof to
keep out rain and snow, and is surrounded with rooms.
There are seven storeys, and the whole are brilliantly
lighted with gas. Our rooms were on the fifth storey,
as all those below were occupied. We ascended 120
steps before reaching our rooms, which we found
beautifully furnished. I felt inclined for some tea, but
the servant who showed us up having left, I was at a
loss how to call a servant, and as to who should go
down all that distance to call one. It struck me that
European hotels had electric bells, by touching which
one summoned the servants. I looked about for one,
when all of a sudden 1 saw on the wall a lovely ivory
fiower, and thinking this must be one, I touched it
gently, and to my delight it acted. In a couple of
minutes a servant appeared, and I got my tea. I was
curious to know how he knew the room to come to
when the bell rang ; so the next morning 1 went to the
servants* room, where I found a bell, with a board
beneath it with a number of pigeon-holes in it. When
the bell rang, the number of the room showed itself in
one of the pigeon-holes, and then, after a minute or so,
disappeared gradually. This was to enable the servant,
should he have been absent when the bell rang, to have
time to see the number of the room.

** Marseilles is not one of the largest cities in France,
as it has only lately become populous. At present,
according to the census, it has 300,131 inhabitants.
The engineering firms have 7000 labourers. There are
fifty-two steam soap factories, which turn out 1,680,000

no

Syed' Ahmed Khan.

tnaunds of soap yearly. There are twenty-eight steam
oil-presses, which make 112,000 maunds of oil yearly.
Fifty thousand red fezzes are made every year. There
are many churches, a museum, public libraries, picture-
galleries, theatres, and a zoological garden.

“ We remained here Friday, the 30th of April, in
order to see this lovely city by day. We hired a two-
horse carriage, and went round most of it. I cannot
describe its beauties, cleanliness, and the splendour of
its shops. The men and women were well clad and
good-looking. The museum is a splendid building,
which was being added to when we saw it. I was
greatly pleased with the beauty of the Zoological
Garden, which is filled with curious animals. In one
enclosure giraffes were walking about. During the
winter they have a warm house, on the walls of which
appear the Mohammedan flag and the following words
in Arabic : * Wondrous are the animals created by the
Almighty.* There is an elephant also, which is the
wonder of the crowd. It is of medium size, but very
thin, and is shut up in a house. There is a skeleton of
a huge fish, which is supported on iron posts about the
height of a man. This fish is twenty-one paces long,
and is well worth seeing. One of the finest of the new
buildings in Marseilles is the new cathedral, which is
built on a small hill, and is made of beautifully white
stone. I went inside and admired the exquisite work-
manship. Where the bishop preaches there is a life-
size bust in marble of Mary, who is represented as
having Christ in her lap. The church was thronged
with visitors when 1 was there, and outside on the hill
there were a number of shops as at a fair, many of them
being coffee and drinking shops. From this hill we had
a lovely view of the city, looking down upon all its

Leaves Marseilles for Paris iii

loftiest buildings. There were many conveyances
driving about on the hill. The cathedral is reached by
several hundred steps. I was astonished at seeing the
manner in which the carriages drove up the steep and
slippery roads. Going down-hill, the drag is put on the
two hind-wheels, and by descending slowly there is no
danger. At night we went out again to see the city, and
again saw the fairy scenes of the previous night. There
was a very handsome building, which the hotel commis-
sionaire told me was a casino used for concerts. I went
in and found it beautifully fitted up, like a garden — full
of lamps and glass-work — with hundreds of chairs and
tables at which people were drinking wine or coffee.
Waiters were in attendance to provide anything that one
might want, and the stage was beautifully got up, and
was occupied by players and singers. Any one could
get in for about six annas. I remained watching the
performance and the people, and soon after left. Not
even in fables have I ever heard what we saw that night
“ On Saturday, the 30th April, we left Marseilles.
We drove to the station in the same hotel omnibus
which had brought us there, our baggage being
put on by the servants, and were accompanied
by the hotel commissionaire, who took our tickets for
us and saw us off. We had not the slightest bother
about our tickets, as is, alas ! so often the case in India.
When we left Marseilles the train carried us swiftly and
smoothly through plains and fields, and past many
villages — a different spectacle, with its quiet beauties,
to the town of Marseilles, with its places and things
made by man. The beauty, freshness, and verdure of
the country, the hills and dales, the cypress-like and
wide-spreading trees, verdancy and beauty which glad-
dened the heart, had their beauty doubled by the skill of

1 12

Syed Ahmed Khan.

man. As far as the eye could see, the land was beauti*
fully parcelled out in fields and enclosures — ^the former
of grass, green and verdant. Canals were frequent.
Red flowers were numerous in the green fields, and
glittered like stars in the night. Thousands of acres
were planted with vines, in the same way as thousands
of acres in Fattehgarh and Meerut potatoes, or in
Ghazipur roses, are grown. It was wonderful to see
the hills covered on all sides from top to bottom with
these vines, seeming as if they had been put on oval
towers. The trees were not high, and were branching
out in green twigs, which added to their beauty. I
recited Sadi’s lines —

‘ The earth looked as if covered with pieces of lace ;

The grapes hung on the trees like stars in the sky. ’

“ On reaching Lyons, we all got out and had some
refreshment in the rooms. We also bought some food
and fruit, and took away two bottles of water, and
enjoyed them all, with laughter and talk, when night
came on. At 7.30 a.m. on the 2nd May we reached
Paris, and remained there for a couple of days. Hotel
commissionaires were present, as at Marseilles ; and on
mentioning the Hotel Meurice, at which I wanted to
stay, owing to having heard that Englishmen frequented
it, and that therefore English was spoken there, the
commissionaires brought up two carriages, and we
drove to the hotel. The coachman asked me some
questions in French, which, of course, was Greek to
me; and it was just the same with him when I spoke
to him in Urdu or English! I was not much struck
with the architectural beauty of Meurice ’s Hotel. The
dining-room and appearance of the servants and their
dress were nothing like those of the Marseilles hotel.

In Paris.

”3

which was still vividly impressed on my mind’s eye.
After dinner we did not go out to look about us, as it
was Sunday. We were wrong, as in Paris all the
shops and public places are open on Sunday. In front
of the hotel was a broad square, seemingly miles in
extent, with a fine entrance, and splendid iron railings
all round. Inside were canals, ponds, and fountains,
life-size sculptures, beds of flowers, lovely walks, hand-
some trees, and lovely green grass. The whole was a
mass of green. Thousands of chairs were scattered
about, and the place crowded daily with well-dressed
men, women, and children. Refreshments were pro-
curable. I walked all over it, blessed my good fortune,
and told the commissionaire to take me to some other
beauties. He said, ‘ Let us go to Versailles, which is
open to-day, this being the first Sunday of the month.
It is well worth a visit.’ We walked with him; but
as I had done a lot of walking, I was tired. As I
passed through streets and bazaars, however, my won-
der increased, and I felt no fatigue at times. I do
not know how far we walked, but saying, ‘ O God,
O God ! ’ we passed into the door of an enormous
building. There was a great crowd, which all made
for another door. The commissionaire stopped us,
and said he would go and take tickets, which he did
at once, and said, ‘ Come on.’ I thought that the door
we were going through led into Versailles, when I
found myself in a splendid railway station, with a train
ready to start ! I felt quite angry, as I had been
travelling the whole of the previous night on the rail-
way, and was tired by the long walk. I cannot tell
how angry I was, and how disinclined to enter the
train. The stupid commissionaire had, without my
permission, taken second-class tickets. There are two

H

114

Syed Ahmed Khan,

classes : the first, in which you sit inside; and the
second, in which you sit outside. When I found that
1 should have to sit outside, I was still further enraged;
and when I heard that our destination was thirty miles
off, I was so angry that 1 nearly got out of the train.
Before 1 could do so, however, the engine whistled,
and we were off ! Helpless and annoyed I was; but
I soon forgot all my troubles when I saw, from the
elevation at which I was, the beauties of the landscape,
&c. I said that the commissionaire had done very
wisely in seating us on the top. I was so delighted
that I was prepared to travel any distance.

“ On arriving at Versailles we descended, and after
going a short distance from the station, we found a
locked iron gate, through which I saw houses, lovely
gardens laid out with flowers, canals, ponds, and foun-
tains. I knew then that this was the famous palace in
which former kings of France used to reside, and
which is still kept up as it was in olden days. It is
opened on the first Sunday of every month, to afford
the public an opportunity of seeing its beauties and
wonders, and enjoying an outing and a share in the
tastes of a king. The site of this royal palace was
once a great open plain. King Louis XIII. one day
was hunting, and came alone here. With difficulty
he got a roof to cover him. The air of the plain
pleased him greatly; so he built a hunting-box on it,
buying the ground from an archbishop. In 1632 a.d. he
built a small palace, the architect being the famous
Lemercier. Louis XIV. commenced in 1682 another
palace; and although in this year he held receptions in
it, it was not quite finished. Mansard and Gabriel
were the architects, and the palace remains to this day a
monument of their skill. There were a number of well-

At Versailles,

115

dressed people congregated at the still shut gate, and
we took up our station there also. Very soon the
orders came to open, and we all entered. I thought we
were in some heavenly, not earthly palace. I was
astounded at the lovely lakes, canals, and fountains ;
animals* heads from which water was spouting ; the
trees and shrubs exquisitely trimmed in some places, in
others natural ; pieces of sculpture representing men
with their hands on each other’s necks, with hands
joined, &c. ; and wondrous gardens filled with flowers.
The famous canal in the Delhi Fort, which flowed from
the private audience-chamber to the picture-chamber,
and in whose waters I used in former days to play ; the
Mehtab Bagh pond, from the banks of which 360 foun-
tains played of old ; the palace and fountains of Deeg,
in Bhartpore, — are undoubtedly as far inferior to those
of Versailles, as an ugly is different from a handsome
man. India’s royal buildings differ from those of
France, owing to the climate. The houses in France
are well adapted to its climate. Ours in India require
to be amended in order to be beautiful, to be adapted
to the climate, and to be healthy. At the same time,
our buildings in India are much more strongly built
than those here ; and there is nothing to match the
lovely Taj and its minarets — that monument of grace
and honour to our ancient architecture.

“ After walking about the gardens we entered the
palace, and were struck with the splendour and size of
the rooms. I shall |jilate presently on the paintings,
which struck me dumb with amazement. I rubbed my
eyes to see if it was not a dream, and the figures on
the canvas not living ones. My heart told me they
were only pictures, but on looking at them carefully 1
could not believe it. We saw the audience-hall of

Syed Ahmed Khan.

ii6

Louis XIV., where he used to receive his grandees and
courtiers ; also the room in which he put on his robes,
the walls of which were covered with pictures ; and the
bedroom of the same sovereign, in which, in 1715, he
breathed his last. The bed on which he died is still
exactly as he left it, and is a warning of the instability
of this world, and calls out, as it were, with a loud
voice, ‘ O Louis, where art thou, that thy bed is
vacant ? ’ This audience-hall is 340 feet long and
broad, and 42 feet high, with seven arches, and was
built by Lebrun, who was both architect and painter.
In 1738, Louis XV. made it into his bedroom. Close
by is a billiard-room, splendidly decorated by this
monarch ; and there is a life-size picture of his daughter
over the door, with one of the king opposite it, taken
when he was young. Next to this picture is one taken
of him when he ascended the throne. He died in this
room in 1774. There is also an opera or concert room,
with thirty-eight columns, which was begun in 1753 and
finished in 1770, or eighteen years afterwards. There
is also a chapel with sixteen columns, which was com-
menced by Mansard, the architect, in 1699, and was
finished in 1710. Throughout the palace the paintings
are simply matchless — the work of the famous Lebrun
and other celebrated painters. The king’s picture-
gallery, containing thirteen rooms, is a splendid work
of art. It contains 130 full-length pictures. There
are pictures representing the victories of Napoleon the
Great, the figures in them being all life-size. In the
gallery called the ‘ Crusade,’ there are pictures of all
the battles fought in the Crusades. Above it is another
gallery, in which are all the Algiers battle-pictures. In
a huge chamber, 373 feet long, 42 feet broad, and the
same height, all the various French battles are depicted.

The Picture Cattery at Versaitles. 117

I really cannot describe their beauties, and the lifelike
fidelity with which the figures of the soldiers and of the
wounded, with their bleeding wounds, are vividly
drawn. It is not merely a picture-gallery, but a means
of increasing the courage, boldness, and valour of the
nation. There is no doubt that the sight of them by
the French race must double their valour when they
see thus before them the evidence of their ancestors’
bravery, and of their contempt of death or wounds on
the battle-field. There was only one thing which mili-
tated against French valour and civilisation ; and when
I observed it, I was extremely astonished that such a
brave and gallant race, elevated, as they are, bv the
arts and sciences, should have been guilty of it. In
the Algiers battle-picture-gallery, there is one depicting
the capture of the women of Abdul Kadir’s family.
The women are shown on camels, with the French
soldiers throwing them off. The bodies of the women
are partially naked, and the French have bayonets in
their hands as if they were going to kill them. Was
it right or proper of the French to hang up in heir
palace a picture of women being taken prisoners?
Was the drawing of bayonets on helpless women, or
throwing them down from the camels, worthy of being
thus handed down to posterity? Was it according to
French civilisation to depict naked women, even
although they may have actually been so? Imam
Abdul Kadir is a valiant and true soldier, and is as
much honoured now as he was when he was ruler of his
country. Alone and unaided, he fought for twenty
years with the greatest bravery and truthfulness, with
no breath of intrigue or cunning upon his name. At
last he was conquered; but that does not lessen his
valour or his world-known honour. The painting of

Ii8

Sy^d Ahmed Khan.

such a picture, instead of lessening that bravery and
ndnour, increases them. Alongside this picture there
is one which illustrates the generosity, the wisdom, the
valour, and all the good qualities of the French nation,
and particularly of the present Emperor Napoleon III.
When he ascended the throne he set Imam Abdul Kadir
at liberty ; and the picture shows the Emperor life-size,
with Abdul Kadir beside him, and Abdul Kadir’s
mother in the foreground, clothed to go out. The
Emperor is shaking hands with her, and giving the
order for Abdul Kadir's release. This picture adds
honour to Napoleon’s crown, and to the honour of the
French nation.

After seeing all the wonders of Versailles, we
returned by rail to Paris, and by omnibus to the hotel.
Chajju was in great tribulation at our long absence,
and had commenced to cry, and we found him in tears !
On asking what was the matter, he said, * Oh, where
have you been ? ’ After dinner, we went out for a walk
in the streets with the commissionaire, and the beauties
of Marseilles were speedily eclipsed by those of Paris.
The beauty of the buildings, the arrangements of the
shops, the brilliancy of the lamps, the number of well-
dressed, good-looking men and women that we saw, are
quite indescribable. The light was so brilliant, that if
a needle were dropped it could have been picked up.
Any place that 1 saw was well worth looking at.

The next day we again sallied out on foot to see
the shops in Richelieu, Rivoli, St. Honors, and other
streets. After lunch, we went in a carriage and pair,
and told the commissionaire that we did not want to get
out anywhere, and that he was to take us round to see
the sights. 1 cannot remember the French names of
the various places we drove past-— every street, every

Municipalities in Heaven.

1 19

shop, and every building* was like a picture. Their
cleanliness was such that not even a bit of straw was to
be seen. Doubtless people will think that such praise
is exaggerated, but 1 assure my readers it is not.
Thousands — sometimes hundreds of thousands — throng
the streets, which are also full of buggies, chariots,
cabs, omnibuses, carts, &c., and notwithstanding this,
not a trace of dirt is to be seen. Horse-refuse or other
dirt W’as sw^ept up immediately. We saw a sweeping-
machine at work in the streets drawn by two horses,
the brush being two or three yards long, and all the
filth being swept into an inner and hidden receptacle in
the machine. Besides this, there were numbers of men
stationed to sweep the streets. There were numerous
handsome gas-lamps on the streets, at short distances
from each other, whilst the shop-lights were simply
innumerable. There is no difference in Paris as regards
light between the day and night. The police arrange-
ments seemed admirable — well-dressed, silent, and
good-looking constables being stationed every 200
yards. They looked quietly and civilly about, and
seemed to say, ‘ We are here to look after all these
people's comfort and convenience.’ People who did
not know their way to shops and houses applied to
them, and they invariably replied most kindly and
politely, and were always thanked by their questioners.
I cannot describe the number of the military that I saw
in Paris. Every two hours or so a detachment of
troops of some branch of the service or other would
pass by — well dressed, and neat and clean. I hear that
the Emperor Napoleon is very fond of his army, and
that his men reciprocate the feeling. The streets of
Paris are extremely broad. The Chandni Chowk at
Delhi, which is divided into two streets by the canal

Z20

Syed Ahmed Khan.

running down its middle, is altogether — roads, canal,
and all — about as broad as many of the streets here.
Their beauties are indescribable. The Boulevards
Sebastopol and du Temple are broader than usual, and
are bordered by shady trees and seats, and are always
crowded with people. The municipal arrangements are
so excellent that if municipal commissioners be required
in heaven, the Paris commissioners are undoubtedly the
best fitted for the posts ! Notre Dame Cathedral is
well worth a visit. I saw it from the carriage, and it
certainly is a splendid and beautiful pile. Its interior
is probably still more beautiful. The Elysee Palace,
which is the residence of the Emperor Napoleon, 1
saw from a distance. Its pillars, fountains, and lovely
lakes — pictures of which I saw and wondered at in the
hall of our scientific society at Allygurh — I now saw
before me. The fountains play day and night, and are
indescribably exquisite. Looking at them, one feels
inclined never to move on. I saw a large marble gate-
way with the Emperor’s victories carved on it. National
valour, bravery, and honour are well worth being
fostered. What Frenchman, on seeing them, but
would not wish to behave as is depicted on these
marbles ?

“ We drove out of the city proper, but the same
splendid houses still continued. The present Emperor
Napoleon built a wall, a moat, and forts round the
city proper ; but owing to the great increase in the
population, the people overflowed into the suburbs,
and there are as many inhabitants in them as in the
city. After driving some miles we came upon a park,
which was really a bit of heaven, miles in length, with
lovely roads and flowers, and umbrageous trees
trimmed so as to be all of one size, handsome iron

At the Bois de Boulogne.

121

benches and seats, and several large lakes which looked
as natural as possible, although they are artificial.
Wherever we looked we saw a wide expanse of green
covered with flowers. Thousands of people come here
daily, the wealthy in well-appointed equipages, and the
carriages are drawn up in a drive specially made for
this. The people walk about. There are feeding-
places for the horses, which are rubbed down and fed;
carriages are cleaned ; and when the owner has finished
his walk, he finds a clean carriage, and sleek, well-
groomed, and well-fed horses, ready for him. From
seeing this assembly, and from living m French hotels,
I have come to the conclusion that the French are the
best-dressed and the best-fed people in the world. At
one part of this park we came upon a natural lake, with
the same arrangements for watering horses as just
described. Close to it is a very fine building in which
pedestrians can sit and call for anything to eat or drink,
sit at their ease, eat and drink, pay the waiter, and
leave. This house, built at a cost of lakhs of rupees,
is the property of a company. When our carriage
drew up at it, a splendid liveried servant came forward,
bowed, opened the door, and we got down, I thanked
the waiter with the only French words I knew, which
I had picked up at the Marseilles hotel — viz., “ S’il vous
plait ! ” We walked round the water. In the middle
of the plain there is an artificial hill in which a cavern
has been excavated, and it is impossible to tell whether
it is natural or the reverse. In it are cascades and a
waterfall, and on the hill are large trees. There are
paths up it close to the cavern, and thousands of
shady trees, and chairs. I was enchanted with all that
1 saw, and cannot describe its beauties. We stayed
there a long while, and remembered the Almighty God.
Wonderful are the things made by Him.

122

Syed Ahmed Khan,

“ Not far off was a very fine race-course, which we
visited, as also the grand stands, which are of wood. A
pump was at work close by driven by a windmill, and
attended to by a man and his wife, who lived in a small
cottage near by. Their manners made me blush for
those of my countrymen. Wishing to see the stand, I
asked by signs his leave to walk up, and he at once —
seeing that I was a traveller — most politely accom-
panied me and showed me everything. I thanked him,
and we drove back late in the afternoon to our hotel.

I hear that the Parisians call their city, not Paris, but
Paradise, and I quite agree with them that it is the
Paradise of this world.

‘ If there be a paradise on earth.

It is this, it is this, it is this.’

“ In the evening we again visited the streets,
shop, and on our entering, a very pretty and well-
dressed young woman stood up from the chair that she
was sitting on behind the counter, and by her coun-
Wishing to buy some gloves, we went into a glove-
tenance asked us what we wanted. She evidently did
not know what language we talked. Some one of us
said ’ gloves ’ in English, and she began talking
English like a nightingale, took the measure of our
hands, brought gloves to suit us, and put them on with
her own hands, talking all the time in the most polite
manner. When we had been suited we asked the
prices. She said, ‘ Do you want one pair each ? ,
showing her hope that we would take several pairs.
She then went on to praise Paris fashions, which she
said were the best in the world; that Paris gloves were
ditto; that we would require gloves for dinner, to meet
ladies, and to be presented to the Emperor and

Visits the Shops.

123

Empress; that she (the shopkeeper) did not want us to
have any bother, and that therefore we should take
several pairs of gloves — of sorts. I thanked her for
her kindness, but said that 1 did not require them —
that I was merely looking at the shops, and bought a
few things here and there. This woman knew four
languages — French English, Italian, and German, and
knew them well, too. She had learnt them in order to
be able to talk with the foreigners who might patronise
her shop. I paid her, and returned through several
streets of shops to our hotel.

**At midnight we again visited the shops, and bought
a warm coat for Khudadad Beg at a tailor’s shop,
which was beautifully got up, and in which cloth of
every description was numbered from one upwards.
He asked me what cloth I wanted, took Khudadad
Beg*s measure, and told an assistant to bring a coat
and trousers of such and such a number. They were
brought, and Khudadad Beg was shown into a beauti-
fully furnished room, changed his clothes, brushed his
hair, and came out quite a handsome young man ! At
this hour the whole of the shops were still open, and
everything w’as just as it was in the daytime — numbers
of people being about, &c., &c.

“At 8 A.M. of the 4th May — a Tuesday — we left
Paris and arrived by rail at Calais on the Channel,
where a steamer was awaiting us. We went on board.
The English Channel, though not very broad — only a
two and a half or three hours’ trip — has a peculiar
motion, which, whenever the steamer begins to move,
makes people sick. The captain of the steamer showed
us into the first-class cabin, and on entering we saw a
strange sight — viz., that places for lying down were
ready for each passenger, w^ith pillows and a china
dish for the sea-sick alongside.

124

Syed Ahmed Khan,

“ Those ladies who had come on board before us
were all lying down, and with eyes closed were trying
to go to sleep, in order to cross whilst asleep. I
wondered what sort of a motion it would be. We all
sat down, and Khudadad, in a bragging manner,
removed the basin to a distance. The vessel started,
and before we had gone a hundred yards we were sick,
lay down, closed our eyes, and became slightly uncon-
scious. Soon after, Khudadad got up very alarmed,
wanted to be sick, and began to search for his basin.
A lady who was lying close by him, thinking that he
would be sick over her, got up in a hurry, and most
kindly gave him her basin. He had just got out the
word * Thank,* when he was sick, and the ‘ you * was
never said. He then lay down again. Many of the
English of both sexes were also ill, and lay down.
Mahmud was sick. Hamid was not actually so, though
very near it ; and 1 was the same. Almost senseless,
and calling on God, we got to the end of our sea
journey. We got out at Dover, and travelling by rail
we reached Charing Cross at 7 p.m. From Paris to
Calais the country was not so vine-cultivated as
between Marseilles and Paris, High mountains were
frequent, so were tunnels, very much longer than those
we passed through on the Bombay line. Pumps
worked by windmills were numerous, and they are no
doubt valuable and cheap, and would be well adapted
for Hindustan. My agents, Messrs. Henry, King 81
Co., had sent Mr. Storr to meet us at the station, and
to take us comfortably to our hotel. Mr. Storr met us,
and took us into the Charing Cross Hotel. Thus
closed our journey to London.”

125

CHAPTER X.

LETTER FROM LONDON.

On the 15th October 1869, Syed Ahmed addressed the
following letter to the Secretary of the Scientific Society
at Allygurh, which appeared in Urdu in the “ Allygurh
Institute Gazette : —

I have received your esteemed letter of the 9th
ultimo, and I regret that you should have been put out
by the non-arrival of more letters from me, describing
my travels. It is nearly six months since I arrived in
London, and have been unable to see many things I
should have liked, been able to see a good deal, and
have been in the society of lords and dukes at dinners
and evening parties. Artisans and the common
working-man I have seen in numbers. I have visited
famous and spacious mansions, museums, engineering
works, shipbuilding establishments, gun-foundries,
ocean-telegraph companies which connect continents,
vessels of war (in one of which I walked for miles,
the Great Eastern steamship), have been present at
the meetings of several societies, and have dined at
clubs and private houses. The result of all this is,
that although I do not absolve the English in India of
discourtesy, and of looking upon the natives of that
country as animals and beneath contempt, I think they
do so from not understanding us ; and I am afraid I
must confess that they are not far wrong in their
opinion of us. Without flattering the English, I can
truly say that the natives of India, high and low,
merchants and petty shopkeepers, educated and
illiterate, when contrasted with the English in educa-
tion, manners, and uprightness, are as like them as a

126

Syed Ahmed Khan.

dirty animal is to an able and handsome man. The
English have reason for believing us in India to be
imbecile brutes. Although my countrymen will con-
sider this opinion of mine an extremely harsh one, and
will wonder what they are deficient in, and in what the
English excel, to cause me to write as I do, I maintain
that they have no cause for wonder, as they are
ignorant of everything here, which is really beyond
imagination and conception. What I have seen and
seen daily, is utterly beyond the imagination of a native
of India. If any of my countrymen do not believe
what I say, you may certainly put them down as frogs
and fishes. There was once a living fish that fell from
a fisherman into a well in which were a number of
frogs. When they saw a new traveller, white in colour,
and glittering like silver, they behaved very kindly to
him, and asked where he came from. The fish said
that he was a native of the Ganges. The frogs asked
the fish if his watery country was similar to theirs ; to
which the fish answered in the afiirmative, adding that
it was a bright, good country, swept by a fine wind,
which raised waves in which fishes were rocked as in a
swing, and disported themselves, and that it was very
broad and long. On hearing this a frog came out a
foot from the side of the well, and said, “ What ! as
long and as broad as the distance I have come from the
wall?” The fish said, “Much greater.” The frog
came another foot out, and again put his question to
the fish, which said, “ Much greater.” The frog went
on, getting the same answer the farther he went, until
he got to the opposite side of the well. Again asking
his question, the fish gave the same reply. The frog
said, ” You lie ; it cannot be larger than this.” Just
at this moment a man let down a bucket and drew
water, thus causing small waves on the surface. The frog
asked the fish if his country *s waves were as large, on
which the fish laughed, saying, ” Those things that you
have never seen, and which it is impossible for you to
imagine, cannot be thought of by you without seeing.
Why, therefore, do you ask about them? ” I am not
thinking about those things in which, owing to the
specialities of our respective countries, we and the
English differ. I only remark on politeness, know-
ledge, good faith, cleanliness, skilled workmanship,

LiiUr from London,

127

accomplishments, and thoroughness, which are the
results of education and civilisation. All good things,
spiritual and worldly, which should be found in man,
have been bestowed by the Almighty on Europe, and
especially on England. By spiritual good things I
mean that the English carry out all the details of the
religion which they believe to be the true one, with a
beauty and excellence which no other nation can com-
pare with. This is entirely due to the education of the
men and women, and to their being united in aspiring
after this beauty and excellence. If Hindustanis can
only attain to civilisation, it will probably, owing to its
many excellent natural powers, become, if not the
superior, at least the equal of England.

When I arrived in London, we stayed for three or
four days at the Charing Cross Hotel, as I had not
sufficient money to take a house and furnish it. I
therefore was compelled to rent one, or rather a portion
of one, in which beds, bedding, &c., are provided by
the owner of the house, who is called the “ landlord,**
his wife being called “landlady.” They also provide
food and servants, and the bills are sent in weekly.
We found living like this extremely comfortable.
From this you will conclude that those who let out a
portion of their houses in London are poor ; and so
they are, but they are, at the same time, of respectable
family. The house that I was in is owned by Mr. J.
Ludlam, with his wife, the latter having two sisters,
Miss Ellen West and Miss Fanny West, who often
visit their sister for a couple of weeks or so at a time.
Mr. Ludlam is as able as he is respectable and well
educated, and is a constant attendant at night at
lectures on chemistry, geology, zoology, &c. These
and hundreds of other lectures are got up by the general
public — ^people attending them paying a few pence each
nightly. The incomes from this source are so large
that all the expenses — including the salaries of the
givers of the lectures, rent of houses, &c. — are defrayed
from money taken at the doors. The people profit by
them more than by the highest philosophy that has ever
been taught in Hindustan, Although I have been here
in this house now for six months, and have met Mr.
Ludlam, occasionally speaking to him, his voice has
never once reached my room. Such politeness in

128

Syed Ahmed Khan.

thinking of those who live with him, and seeing that
they are not disturbed, is politeness indeed. I only
wish, from this description, to show to my fellow-
countrymen a picture of the general knowledge of the
people amongst whom I am at present living. Mrs.
Ludlam is a very able, well-educated, accomplished, and
a very good woman, and I cannot do sufficient justice
to all her good qualities. Courtesy, politeness, and
humanity are included in them. All her house and
other work is done by her with the greatest ability, and
her husband is thus at leisure to go to his office or to
his lectures. Her two sisters are also well educated —
one of them, Miss Ellen West, being extremely fond of
reading.

I am at present engaged in writing a book on the
Mohammedan religion, and have got together many
English works for and against the same, as well as
others which are against all religions. Some days ago
Miss Ellen West became very ill, but the next day
became better. Although very weak and scarcely able
to leave her bed, she sent a message to me asking me
to send her some of the above-mentioned works, to add,
as she said, to her knowledge. I replied that I had
only religious works, which were also extremely dis-
putatious ; but she asked for some nevertheless, and I
therefore sent her a book. In two days she had read
it, and on her getting well she gave me some excellent
opinions on it. This gives rise to the reflection how
good the education of women slightly below the middle-
class must be here. Is it not a matter for astonishment
that a woman, when ill, should read with the object of
improving her mind ? Have you ever seen such a
custom in India in the family of any noble, nawab,
raja, or man of high family? If our women in India
were to frequent the bazaars with their faces, how
astonished and alarmed would not their husbands be?
It is undoubtedly a fact that the women here, when
they hear that the women of India are unable to read
or write, are ignorant of education or instruction, are
equally astonished, and are displeased with and despise
them. You may be certain that those Englishmen in
India who meet and mix with us, and behave well to us,
do so out of policy. If the two nations were together
in a free country, and if the customs, ways of living.

Letter from London

129

and private life of Hindustanis and Englishmen
remained as they are at present, the Englishmen would
never stop to speak to them, and would look on them
as equal to animals. I undoubtedly maintain that the
general behaviour of Englishmen towards the natives
is the reverse of polite, and that this should certainly
cease ; but I do not urge this point on account of the
nations being entitled to politeness on the score of
ability. I urge it for this reason, that Englishmen, by
treating them badly, detract from their own high
character, and place obstacles in the way of the spread
of civilisation.

In the India Office is a book in which the races of all
India are depicted both in pictures and in letterpress,
giving the manners and customs of each race. Their
photographs show that the pictures of the different
manners and customs were taken on the spot, and the
sight of them shows how savage they are — the equals
of animals. The young Englishmen who, after passing
the preliminary Civil Service examination, have to pass
examinations on special subjects for two years after-
wards, come to the India Office preparatory to starting
for India, and, desirous of knowing something of the
land to which they are going, also look over this work.
What can they think, after perusing this book and
looking at its pictures, of the power or honour of the
natives of India? One day Hamid, Mahmud, and I
went to the India Office, and Mahmud commenced
looking at the work. A young Englishman, probably
a passed civilian, came up, and after a short time asked
Mahmud if he was a Hindustani? Mahmud replied in
the affirmative, but blushed as he did so, and hastened
to explain that he was not one of the aborigines, but
that his ancestors were formerly of another country.
Reflect, therefore, that until Hindustanis remove this
blot they shall never be held in honour by any civilised
race.

I am extremely pleased that my Bengal and Parsi
brethren have begun to some extent to promote civilisa-
tion, but their pace is so fast that there is danger of
their falling. The fatal shroud of complacent self-
esteem is wrapt around the Mohammedan community :
they remember the old tales of their ancestors, and
think that there are none like themselves. The Moham-

1

130 Syed Ahmed Khan.

medans of Egypt and Turkey are daily becoming more
civilised. I have seen the Khedive of Egypt in
England — the representative of a race which formerly
was no friend to Englishmen — mixing in the most
friendly manner in English society. The Sultan of
Turkey is also daily becoming more friendly with the
neighbouring countries and their peoples. Some time
ago the Sultan came to France and London to pay them
a friendly visit, and dined at the same table with their
inhabitants ; and this is a powerful proof that the days
of bigotry and barbarism are gone. Another proof is the
fact that the Empress of France and the Emperor of
Austria are going to Constantinople as the Sultan’s
guests, and just now great preparations are being made
to receive them. The Sultan will himself go out to
meet the Empress of France, and the three sovereigns
will remain in friendly and brotherly friendship for the
space of a week, dining and going to parties together,
travelling together, and the Sultan will escort them to
the “ Bait-ul-Mokaddis.”i A short time ago the Prince
of Wales was the Sultan’s guest, and on every one’s
lips was the verse, “ Thy coming hath peopled the
country ; speaking of thee is our song of gladness.”
In short, the sight of mankind growing daily in
brotherly love and friendship, and the decrease of bar-
barism and savagery, the growth and decrease of which
is nature’s intention, is indescribably joyful. In
Turkey and Egypt the women are daily becoming
better educated. I heard of an Egyptian girl who, in
addition to a thorough knowledge of her native
language, Arabic, knew French very well and Latin
very fairly. Her brother was educated in France ; and
on his return, his sister, who had learnt Arabic from
her relatives, studied French and Latin with him.

I am at present living in a comfortable house. I
shall hereafter describe the houses of London. I have
six rooms, four of them bedrooms — one for each of us —
the others being rather larger and better furnished than
mine, as Hamid, Mahmud, and Khudadad Beg sit
reading and writing in them at night. In my bedroom
there is only bedroom furniture — better, however, than
any I have ever seen in India. Perhaps there may be
better in Bombay and Calcutta. One of the other

1 Suleiman Mosque.

Letter from London.

^31

rooms I use for reading and writing books — we all
eating and drinking also in it. The sixth room is a
large one, and serves as our sitting-room, in which we
all meet occasionally, and get pleasure by doing so.
Visitors are received in this room. My kind landlady
has taken on two servants especially for my service —
one being called Anne Smith, and the other Elizabeth
Matthews, the latter very young and modest, being
maid-of-all-work. The first is very clever and well-
educated, a good writer, and thoroughly good servant.
She reads the papers and enjoys them, and does her
work like a watch or machine. After dressing, I go to
my study about half-past 8 a.m. daily, that and the
sitting-room having by this time been cleaned by Annie
Smith — chairs, tables, almirasy pictures, inkstand,
books, &c., all being beautifully arranged. When it is
cold, she lights the fire. She receives all letters and
sorts them, putting those for each person on the table
opposite his chair. Newspapers she puts anywhere on
the table, to be read by whoever wants to. At about
9 o’clock she knocks at the door, and on being told to
enter, comes in and lays the table for breakfast. Her
language is clear and respectful, her manners being
good and polite — she calls us all “ sir ” when speaking
to us. Khudadad Beg she calls Mr. Beg, and on
hearing that that was not his full name, said, “ Sir,
please pardon me, but your full name is very difficult.”
There was great fun over this, and we have all taken
to calling Khudadad Beg “Mr. Beg.” Dinner and
supper are also laid out by her with the same careful
attention as breakfast. It is a fact that if this woman,
who is poor, and compelled to work as a maid-servant
in attendance night and day upon me, were to go to
India and mix with ladies of the higher classes, she
would look upon them as mere animals, and regard
them with contempt. This is simply the effect of
education. Look at this young girl Elizabeth Matthews,
who, in spite of her poverty, invariably buys a half-
penny paper called the ” Echo,” and reads it when at
leisure. If she comes across a ” Punch,” in which
there are pictures of women’s manners and customs,
she looks at them, and enjoys the editor’s remarks
thereon. All the shops have the names of their occu-
pants written in front in splendid golden letters, and

132

Syed Ahmed Khan,

servants requiring anything have only to read and
enter. Cabmen and coachmen keep a paper or a book
under their seats, and after finding a job, they take
them out and commence reading. Remember that the
rank of a cabman corresponds to that of the
ekhawallasf of Benares.

Until the education of the masses is pushed on as it
is here, it is impossible for a native to become civilised
and honoured.

*The cause of England's civilisation is that all the arts
and sciences are in the language of the country. Although
in some parts of England the dialects are such as to make
it difficult to understand their English^ stilly on the whole^
English in England corresponds to the Urdu of the North-
West Provinces and Behar^ which every one understands.
Those who are really bent on improving and bettering India
must remember that the only way of compassing this is by
having the whole of the arts and sciences translated into their
own language.

1 should like to have this written in gigantic letters on
the Himalayas, for the remembrance of future genera-
tions. If they be not translated, India can never be
civilised. This is truth, this is the truth, this is the
truth ! Government has a dilhcult task. When the
governing tongue is not that of the country, the people
do not care to study their own language, because up to
the present no one studies for the sake of science, but
only to get service. O well-wishers of Hindustan, do
not place your dependence on any one ! Spread abroad,
relying on yourselves and your subscriptions, trans-
lations of the arts and sciences; and when you have
mastered these and attained to civilisation, you will
think very little of going into Government service. I
hope and trust that such a day may soon come.

I am delighted to hear that the Lieutenant-Governor,
North-West Provinces, and the Director of Public
Instruction, North-West Provinces, have given our
Society great assistance; and I have thanked God for
it. But, my dear Raja, do not part with the freedom
of your Society and its paper. The life and death
of India depend on the goodness or otherwise of the
Department of Public Instruction. Always reflect on^
this deeply, but with a just mind, and make truth and
the national welfare “ your only friends.**
t Drivers of native vehicles *Thc italics are our own. — Author.

*33

CHAPTER XL

RETURN TO INDIA MISUNDERSTANDING WITH SIR

WILLIAM MUIR SOCIAL REFORMS MOHAMMEDAN

OPPOSITION.

Towards the end of 1870 Syed Ahmed returned from
England, and resumed his duties of Native Judge at
Benares. I was also there as District Superintendent
of Police, and was very glad to be for the second time
in the same station with him. His trip to England had
added largely to his knowledge of men and things, and
had also deepened his determination to do all in his
power towards improving the feeling between the ruler
and the governed, and breaking down the social wall
that stood between them. Curiously enough, however,
his return to this country was signalised by a coolness
on his part, which he afterwards deeply regretted,
with one of his best and most influential friends. Sir
William Muir, then Lieutenant-Governor of these
Provinces. Whilst in England, as I have before noted,
Syed Ahmed wrote some strictures on the Government
educational policy, and amongst other things wrote
that he had once found a cow tied up in a village
schoolhouse. Sir W. Muir, on the 7th February 1870,
delivered a speech when opening a school at Allygurh,
in which he said : ** In a pamphlet on Educational
Progress in India, written and published in England,

*34

Syed Ahmed Khan.

he tells a story of having visited a village schoolhouse
and found a cow tied up in it; and hence he draws dis-
paraging conclusions regarding the education imparted
in the village schools. I can only say that in marching
through the district I have had ample means of satisfy-
ing myself that the education acquired at these village
schools is generally good, and bears marks of labour
and industry altogether inconsistent with Syed Ahmed
Khan’s conclusions.” On this reaching Syed Ahmed
in England, he found that the Urdu version of Sir
William Muir’s speech distinctly accused him of a want
of veracity, and this he felt deeply. He referred the
matter to a friend and myself. His friend wrote : “ I
find nothing to object to in the English transcript, but
the Urdu text certainly does not accord with the tenor
of the English original, and is decidedly offensive in the
terms employed, which, under the most subdued inter-
pretation, attributes to you a want of veracity. As I
know how utterly incapable you are of any such per-
version of truth, and feeling that the Urdu is the
version which is to appeal to the understandings of
your fellow-countrymen, I should counsel you to write
frankly to Sir William Muir, asking him to correct the
text in any way he thinks best, as 1 am confident that
he would be the last man to inflict an undeserved
wrong, or to hesitate to undo that wrong when pointed
out to him.” I also advised him to the same effect;
but he procrastinated, and eventually went out to India
without doing so. He did not also go and see the
Lieutenant-Governor en route to Benares, nor did he
write to him. In Noverfiber he received the following
letter from the Lieutenant-Governor’s Private Secre-
tary, Captain Lillingstone, who was afterwards killed
by falling over a precipice in the hills ; —

Misunderstanding with Sir IVilliam Muir. 135

^th November 1870.

My dear Sir, — ^The Lieutenant-Governor desires me
to say that he was glad to hear, from Raja Jykishen
Dass at Allygurh, of your safe return to India with one
of your sons.

His Honour has been looking for an account from
you of your other son’s progress, he being the Lieu-
tenant-Governor’s nominee for the North-West Pro-
vinces Scholarship.

Sir William Muir will hope to hear about him and
about your own welfare. — Yours truly,

W. S. Lillingston.

To this Syed Ahmed replied : —

My dear Sir, — I thank you, as also his Honour, for
your kind letter of the 5th instant, received yesterday.
1 should have written to his Honour the Lieutenant-
Governor ere this, had it not been that 1 thought his
Honour would not care to hear from me, and this for
the following reason. In his Honour’s speech of the
7th February 1870, delivered at the Allygurh school,
and which I received with feelings of the deepest regret
when in England, his Honour, in the Urdu version,
accused me of a direct falsehood. Admiring and
esteeming his Honour as I do, 1 was deeply grieved
when I read the words that were to brand me as one
so low in the eyes of all my fellow-countrymen. I
thought it must have been a mistake of the trans-
lator’s; but whether it was so or not, the fact remained
that I was by the Lieutenant-Governor, North-West
Provinces, deemed capable of telling an untruth.

To show that this was not only my opinion, I beg to
forward herewith a letter received by me on the subject
from Mr. Edward Thomas, formerly in the Civil Ser-
vice in this Presidency. I frankly admit that had I
taken his advice, the matter might have been cleared
up; and I now hope that his Honour will accept of this
letter as one which I ought to have written long ago
from England.

I have now the pleasure to inform his Honour as to
Mahmud’s opinions since arriving in England — viz.,
as to the society in which he moves, what his studies
have embraced there, and as to the expenses to which
he has been put. . .

136

Syed Ahmed Khan.

As to the studies on which he has been engaged, the
most prominent are law — under the barrister, Mr.
Pearson, Q.C. — Latin and Greek, and English history
and literature, all of which he studied privately for one
year prior to his entrance into Christ College, Cam-
bridge. He is now a member of Lincoln's Inn, pre-
paratory to becoming a barrister; and as he runs up
from Cambridge to London to attend lectures and eat
his dinners, I look forward to his being a barrister-at-
law in two years at most.

I trust that when his Honour meets my son, he will
find that his kind selection of him for the first North-
West scholarship will reflect honour upon his choice.

I am deeply grateful for his Honour’s kindness, and
with the expression of my sincere thanks to him for all
that he has done for me, I beg to remain, my dear sir,
yours faithfully, Syed Ahmed.

Benares, yth November 1870.

Sir William Muir’s answer w’as as follows : —

Government House,
Allahabad, gth November 1870.

My dear Syed Ahmed, — Your letter of the 7th
instant has surprised and vexed me more than I can
well say. It is hardly necessary for me to say that I
should never have dreamt of imputing to you anything
approaching to a misstatement of facts. I differed,
and still differ, as to the inferences drawn by you there-
from; but that implies no disparagement whatever of
yourself.

I extremely regret that you did not at once write to
me direct; and I am pained that you did not, for it
implies less trust and confidence in me than I had
expected (and perhaps had a right to expect) in you
towards myself.

Mr. Bramly brought the circumstance to my notice
of the meaning that the Urdu terms were thought
capable of bearing, and I wrote a note to signify that
no such meaning could for a moment have been contem-
plated by me; and I gave permission for any use to be
made of my writing. No further notice having been
taken of the matter, I fancied that the explanation was

Sir WiUiam Muir Explains. 137

suflicient, and that it was not thought necessary to
publish it in the Gazette.*’

Captain Lillingston will write to you further on the
subject after the above correspondence has been
referred to.

Meanwhile 1 will only say I am very glad to hear so
good an account of your son, and that 1 shall be glad
to see you when you are again in these parts, — or if
not, then when my camp reaches Benares. — I am, yours
very truly, W. Muir.

Syed Ahmed then wrote : —

My dear Sir William Muir, — I cannot tell you
what a load your most kind and most gratifying letter
of the 9th instant has taken off my mind. I thank you
most heartily for having condescended to reply to my
letter so soon, and 1 shall take the first opportunity
of waiting on you at Allahabad in order personally to
express my thanks and my feelings of esteem for you.
I see now how wrong I was in not writing to you long
ere this, and I have to ask your pardon for not having
done so. I hope you will excuse my writing to you as
to a friend, and not as to the Lieutenant-Governor of
the North-West Provinces. My apology, I feel, is due
to you as the former. — ^With the expression of my deep
feelings of esteem and gratitude, 1 beg to remain,
yours most sincerely and respectfully, S\ed Ahmed.

Syed Ahmed, although he had permission to publish
Sir W. Muir’s letter — and most native gentlemen would
have done so at once — put it quietly away, and it was
only after a long search that 1 lately unearthed it.

Soon after his return from England, Syed Ahmed
started a paper called the “ Mohammedan Social
Reformer,” and wrote a series of articles combating
the religious prejudices of his fellow-coutrymen
against the acquisition of modern science and art.
” He saw the weakness that had crept over Moham-
medans through their estrangement from the thoughts
and aspirations of the nineteenth century, and he pro-

138 Syed Ahmed Khan.

posed to himself the great task of making Moham-
medans change, not their dogmas, but their policy, so
that independence of mind and political liberation
should no longer be accounted as symptoms of hetero-
doxy.” These articles, which were continued for nine
years, effected a wonderfully wholesome change in
Mohammedan ideas throughout India, brought them
more in accord with their rulers; and his services in
this direction are politically more valuable than his
personal services during the Mutiny. The opposition
which he met with was brought out very clearly and
forcibly in an able article written in 1878 by Mr. John
Macdonald in ” Pillars of the Empire.” The priests at
Mecca denounced him as a renegade, as a ” lieutenant
of the Evil One,” and hoped that ” God would destroy
him,” and ” that he would be severely chastised.”
One of them wrote that ” he should be brought to his
senses by beating, imprisonment, and the like !” Many
Mohammedans actually believed that Syed Ahmed was
the Antichrist, and debates were held as to whether he
were the real one or one of the lesser ones !

At the great horse and cattle fair held at Batesir, in
the Agra district, last November, I met a very intelli-
gent Mohammedan, who had resigned a lucrative post
to become a Mohammedan missionary. In the course
of a conversation with him, I happened to mention
Syed Ahmed’s name, and he at once burst out with,
” That man is an atheist; he has done more harm than
any one else to our religion, and I look upon his tenets
with abhorrence ! ” On my telling him that I was
Syed Ahmed’s most intimate friend, and that I thought
he was very much mistaken about his being an atheist,
he seemed rather astonished, and after some further
conversation took his leave, evidently quite convinced

The Appeal to Mecca. 139

that his theory was right ! When the Mohammedan
A.O. College was being started^ a Mohammedan wrote
to Mecca asking the priests as to their opinion on Syed
Ahmed’s proposed college. He said — “ What is your
opinion (may your Excellence continue) regarding the
legality of an institution established by a man who
does not believe in the existence of an Evil One; who
denies the bodily night-journey of the Prophet to
heaven; who does not believe the story of Adam; who
exhorts Mohammedans to follow English example ; who
maintains that all the religious learning in Moham-
medan libraries is of no avail; and that it is necessary
to have a college to teach modern philosophy? When
the Mohammedans, feeling indignant, told him that his
institution was a school to teach atheism and spread
irreligion, and denied him any assistance, he wrote to
them, saying, “ 1 will not renounce my beliefs, nor will
I cease inviting you to my assistance, but 1 promise to
place the management of the institution in the hands
of a committee.” Now the committee so promised con-
sist^ chiefly of men of his own persuasion, who often
change their opinions, and their successors rescind the
arrangements of their predecessors. Now, under the
divine promise of reward in the next world, let me
know whether it is religiously lawful for Mohamme-
dans to aid this college or not.” One priest wrote —
” In this case no assistance is allowable to the institu-
tion. May God destroy it and its founder. No Moham-
medan is allowed to give assistance to or countenance
the establishment of such an institution. It is, more-
over, the duty of the faithful to destroy it if it be estab-
lished, and to chastise to the utmost those who are
friendly to it.”

After these fatwas were fulminated against Syed

140 Syed Ahmed Khan.

Ahmed by the learned doctors of Mecca, he received
numerous anonymous letters, in which the writers said
they had sworn on the Koran to take his life. One of
them said that Shere All, who assassinated Lord
Mayo, was an idiot for doing so, as he could have
ensured Paradise for himself by killing Syed Ahmed ! ”
Was my friend moved by all these Mecca ecclesiastical
thunders or the threats of unknown writers? Not in
the least. He did not even get a policeman to look
after him ; he did not even give intimation of the
possible fate in store for him to the head of the police
tn the station. He worked quietly on, quite prepared
to suffer even a painful death in the execution of his set
purpose.

I4I

CHAPTER XII.

REPLY TO DR. W. W. HUNTER*S INDIAN MUSSULMANS
WAHABIISM ^THE FRONTIER FANATICS.

In 1872, Syed Ahmed had once more to wield the pen
in defence of Mohammedans, as they had been attacked
and held up to public opinion by the Hon. W. W.
Hunter as disloyal to our rule. Dr. Hunter’s work
was entitled, Our Indian Mussulmans : Are they
bound in conscience to rebel against the Queen? ” The
following extracts from the Syed’s “ Review ” of this
work are interesting : —

The attention of the public has been lately turned to
the state of Mohammedan feeling in India, owing to
three causes — viz., the Wahabi trials. Dr. Hunter’s
book on the “ Indian Mussulmans,” and the murder
of the late lamented Chief-Justice Norman.f Dr.
Hunter’s work has made a great sensation in India,
and has been read with avidity by all classes of the
community. I am aware that many of the ruling race
in India are under the impression that English litera-
ture, both books and newspapers, seldom, if ever,
permeates the strata of native society. As regards
general literature, this impression is correct as far as
the millions are concerned; but on particular subjects,
such as the state of feeling of the English to the
natives, religious questions, or matters affecting taxa-
tion, it is a mistaken one.

Natives anxiously con all articles bearing upon the
feelings with which their rulers regard them. Articles

142

Syed Ahmed Khan,

sneering at them, or misrepresenting their thoughts
and feelings, sink deep into their soul, and work much
harm. Although all cannot read, they manage to hear
the contents of this and that article or work from those
who can, and the subject usually receives a good deal
of embellishment as it is passed from one to the other.
Articles or books on religious and fiscal questions are
also eagerly commented on by a large proportion of
the population.

What books and newspapers enunciate is, by the
general native public, believed to be the opinion of the
whole English community, official or non-official — from
the veriest clerk to the Governor-General in Council —
ay, even to the Queen herself ! Such being the case,
writers should be careful of their facts when treating
of any important subject, and having got their facts,
ought to avoid all exaggeration of misrepresentation.
Now, when we find an official, high in office and in
favour with Government, giving utterance to asser-
tions and assumptions such as those contained in Dr.
Hunter’s work, it is but natural that we Mohammedans
should come to the conclusion that the author’s
opinions are shared in more or less by the whole
English community. I perfectly admit the kindly feel-
ing towards Mohammedans which pervades the whole
book. As a cosmopolitan Mohammedan of India, I
must raise my voice in opposition to Dr. Hunter in
defence of my fellow-countrymen.

Dr. Hunter’s work represents Wahabiism and rebel-
lion against the British Government as synonymous.
Wahabiism has withal been little understood by the
world at large, and it is rather difficult to put it in a
comprehensive light before the public. In my opinion,
what the Protestant is to Roman Catholic, so is
the Wahabi to the other Mohammedan creeds. A work
on Wahabiism was translated into English, and pub-
lished in the 13th volume of the “ Royal Asiatic
Journal *’ in 1852. In it the doctrines of the faith are
pretty accurately defined, and Dr. Hunter has reduced
them to* the following seven doctrines : ** First,

absolute reliance upon one God; second, absolute
renunciation of any mediatory agent between man and
his Maker, including the rejection of the prayers of
the saints, and even of the semi-divine mediation of

Review of Dr. Huntev^s Work. 143

Mohammed himself; third, the right of private inter-
pretation of the Mohammedan Scriptures, and the rejec-
tion of all priestly glosses of the Holy Writ; fourth,
absolute rejection of all the forms, ceremonies, and
outward observances with which the medieval and
modern Mohammedans have overlaid the pure faith;
fifth, constant looking for the Prophet (Imam), who
will lead the true believers to victory over the infidels;
sixth, constant recognition, both in theory and prac-
tice, of the obligation to wage war upon all infidels ;
seventh, implicit obedience to the spiritual guide.”

Now there are several errors here. The latter part
of the second doctrine is so ambiguously worded that
the meaning does not stand out very clear : it ought to
stand thus — ” And to recognise Mohammed as nothing
more than an inspired man, and to disbelieve in any
power of mediation by saints or prophets, including
Mohammed himself, before the holy tribunal.” The
third doctrine is also ambiguous, and I would amend it
thus — ” Right of every individual to interpret the
Koran according to his lights, and not to be bound to
follow implicitly the interpretation put upon the same
by any former priest.” The fifth doctrine is quite
obscure, and its true meaning is much altered. It bears
a great affinity to the belief of the Jews and Christians
— in the advent of the Messiah of the former, and of the
second coming of Christ of the latter. Mohammedans
believe that before the end of the world, and before the
second advent of Christ, an Imam will descend on the
earth to lead true believers to victory over the infidels.
Many Mohammedans disbelieve in this, and regard it
as a story invented by the Jews which has crept
into their religion. The sixth doctrine has also suffered
at the author’s hands. Had he added the words —
” provided that the Mussulmans leading the iihad be
not the subjects of those infidels, living under them in
peace, and without any oppression being exercised
towards them — provided that they have not left their
property and families under the protection of such
infidels — ^provided that there exists no treaty between
them and the infidels — and provided that the Mussul-
mans be powerful enough to be certain of success,” —
had, I say, all these provisions been added by the
author, his rendering of this doctrine would have been

144

Syed Ahmed Khan.

correct. His object, however, being to present the
Wahabi doctrines in their most terrifying form, he
wisely omitted all these provisions. I do not under-
stand what the author means by the words “ spiritual
guide " in the seventh doctrine. If by it he implies a
guide of faith, he is in error, as by the third doctrine
Wahabis are not bound to follow any priest blindly.
If, however, he means a Mohammedan ruler, he is
right. One thing, however, he has omitted to tell us —
viz., that Mohammedans are bound to obey an infidel
ruler as long as he does not interfere with their religion.
1 would particularly urge on my readers to bear these
doctrines in mind as now interpreted by me — Dr.
Hunter’s rendering of them being ambiguous and
calculated to mislead.

Syed Ahmed then goes on to show that Wahabiism
is a system which reduces the religion of Mohammed
to a pure theism — i.e., to what Mohammedanism was
in the days of Mohammed, before it was encrusted
with its present forms and ceremonies by medioeval and
modern Mohammedans. In the second century of the
Hegira it was divided into four Churches — Hanah,
Shafai, Malki, and Humbali ; and it was for some time
after optional for Mohammedans to follow any doctrine
of any of these four Churches. The kings Bani
Umanja and Bani Abboo, however, issued an edict that
all Mohammedans were to embrace the whole doctrines
of any one Church of the above four ; and by this
unjust order, free opinion was summarily suppressed,
and religious intolerance gained supremacy. A few,
however, clung to the former, 'the true faith, and they
were called Ahal-i-Hadis — t.e., believers in the sayings
of the Prophet. They were hated and held up to the
execration of the faithful, and this continued till the
beginning of the seventeenth century a.d. Abdul
Wahab of Nejd then ascended a throne of his own
making, and spread the doctrine of the Shah-i-Hadis.

Growth of the Mohammedan Religion, 145

His successor being denied leave to perform the
pilgrimage to Mecca, marched on and conquered both
Mecca and Medina, abolished all the forms and cere-
monies with which pure Mohammedanism had become
encumbered, and destroyed the tombs of saints which
were worshipped as idols. He was defeated by the
Turks, and compelled to retire ; and the Mohammedan
world being deeply grieved at the — in their opinion —
sacrileges perpetrated by the Ahal-i-Hadis, a bitter
enmity sprang up between the Turks and them, and
they were then called Wahabis. In India, Wahabis
could only worship and preach with great danger to
themselves ; but on the advent of the English rule they
came to the front and preached openly and fearlessly.
The Indian Mohammedans, however, hated them as
cordially as the Turks did, and also called them
Wahabis.

Such [says Syed Ahmed] is the history of Wahabi-
ism, the bugbear of Dr. Hunter.

The mountain tribes on our north-west frontier are
Sunis. They belong to the Hanah sect, and are stricter
in the observance of their religion than their co-religion-
ists of the plains. The latter bear no enmity towards
the other three Mohammedan sects ; whilst the hostility
of the mountain tribes to all other sects is bitter in the
extreme. An outsider has no security for his life or
property whilst in their country. These wild denizens
of the hills generally take, as their text-books, com-
mentaries on the Hanafi Church, of which Dur-i-
Mukhtar is one. This was written in the year 1071
Hegira, or a.d. 1660, and is the religious work most
venerated by them. It contains some Arabic verses
upholding the Hanafi doctrines in preference to all
others. A translation of one of these, showing the
hatred borne by the Hanafis to the followers of the
other Churches, is as follows : “ May the curses of our
God, innumerable as the sands of the sea, fall upon
him who followeth not the doctrines of Abu-Hanifa.”

J

146

Syed Ahmed Khan,

These hill tribes lay great stress upon the worship of
tombs and saints and monasteries, especially those of
Peer Baba in Bonair, and Kaka Sahib in Kotah. 1 have
never yet met any Pathan of any other faith than the
Hanah, or any inclined to Wahabiism. In the Hayat
Afgani, however — ^an Urdu history published at Lahore
in 1867, and written by a loyal Mohammedan in the
service of Government — 1 find the following passage :

“ But of late the followers of Mulla Syed Meer of
Kotah are looked upon as Wahabis, and are held in
contempt by the people of Swat, subjects of the Akhoond
of Swat and stanch Hanafis. Most of the Atmanzais
and the descendants of Nasir-ul-lab of Garhi Ismail
are the partisans of Mulla Syed Meer, whilst all the
other mountain tribes follow the Akhoond of Swat.**
From the foregoing it is evident how utterly antagon-
istic Wahabiism is to the faith of the frontier tribes,
and, as far as religion is concerned, how impracticable
it is to form a coalition between the Pathans and the
Wahabis. The latter, who in 1824 settled themselves
in the hills, determined to wage war to the death
against the hated Sikhs, could never persuade the hill
tribes to look with favour on their religious tenets.
Hating each other as they did, however, they, smarting
under the oppressions and severities of the Sikhs, made
common cause against them. It was these very
Pathans, however, who betrayed the Wahabis to the
Sikhs, and it was owing to them that Syed Ahmed and
Moulavi Ismail Saheb were afterwards slain. These
facts must be borne in mind, as they are absolutely
necessary to a proper understanding of the Wahabi
history, represented by Dr. Hunter as a great coalition
of the mountain tribes.

The first period of the Wahabi history was its golden
age. Everything that the Wahabis of that age did
was known to Government, and they were not at that
time in any way suspected of disloyalty to the British.
Mohammedans at that time openly preached a holy war
against the Sikhs, in order to relieve their fellow-
countrymen from the tyranny of that race. The leader
of the jihadis was Syed Ahmed, but he was no preacher.
Moulavi Ismail was the man whose preaching worked
marvels on the feelings of Mohammedans, trough-
out the whole of his career, not a word was uttered by

Histoiy of the Wahabis,

147

this preacher calculated to incite the feelings of his
co-religionists against the English. Once at Calcutta,
whilst preaching the ;t 7 tad against the Sikhs, he was
interrogated as to his reasons for not proclaiming a
religious war against the British, who were also
Infidels. In reply, he said that under the English rule
Mohammedans were not persecuted, and as they were
the subjects of that Government, they were bound by
their religion not to join in a ]ihad against it. At this
time thousands of armed men and large stores of muni-
tions of war were collected in India for the jihad
against the Sikhs. Commissioners and magistrates
were aware of this, and they reported the facts to the
Government. They were directed not to interfere, as
the Government was of opinion that their object was
not inimical to the British. In 1824 these jihadis
against the Sikhs reached the frontier.

During the second period the Wahabi cause waned.
When Peshawur again fell into the hands of the Sikhs,
numbers of the learned men amongst the followers of
Syed Ahmed and Moulavi Ismail lost heart completely.
It may interest my readers to learn that Mahbub All
was in 1857 summoned by the rebel leader, Bukht
Khan, and requested to sign the proclamation for a
religious war against the English. He refused, and
told Bukht Khan that the Mohammedan subjects of
the British Government could not, according to the
precepts of their religion, rise up in arms against their
rulers. He, moreover, reproached him and his
followers for the inhuman cruelties perpetrated by them
towards the European ladies and children.

Dr. Hunter maintains (page 79) that “ about thirty
years ago one of the Caliphs came on a missionary
tour to Bengal, settled there, became trusted by all
the neighbouring landed proprietors, and preached
rebellion with great force and unction.” He also,
says our author, ” forwarded yearly supplies of men
and money to the propaganda at Patna, for trans-
mission to the frontier camp.” Now this brings us
back to the year 1841 or so, when several years had
still to elapse before the Panjab was annexed by the
British. Does Dr. Hunter really believe that men and
money were forwarded at that time to enable the
frontier people to attack the English? 1 think he will

148

Syed Ahmed Khan.

admit that a holy war against the Sikhs had been going
on for many years before the year 1841, and that it is
but probable that the ** men and money supplies ” were
intended for the defeat of the subjects of the Panjab
rulers. In the fourth period also there is no foundation
for any suspicion whatever against my co-religionists in
India. After the return to India of Moulavis Inayat AU
and Wilayat Ali in 1847, there still remained a small
remnant of Syed Ahmed’s followers on the frontier.
It is true that these two never slackened their efforts
to induce men of Patna and the vicinity to join in the
jihad^ and to collect money for the purpose. They
were indefatigable, and in 1851 they showed what was
still their leading idea by again leaving India for the
frontier. Now Dr. Hunter has made out that it was
with the intention of waging war with the British that
they again resorted to the frontier, and that they thus
transferred the jihad from the Sikhs to the British.
Was this likely when they had no cause of complaint
against the latter? We have already seen, in the
oppression of the Mohammedans by the Sikhs, what
reason the former had for attacking the latter ; but no
reason has yet been sho^wn, either by Dr. Hunter or by
any one else, for this sudden hatred to the British.
No ; it was against the Sikhs in Jammoo that their
arms were directed. I have this from one who met
these two Moulavis on their w'ay to the frontier, and I
have no doubt of its truth. It must be borne in mind
how very strict in their religion these Wahabis are.
Stern fanatics, they never swerve aside from the prin-
ciples of that faith. Now those of whom I am writing
had left their families and property in the care of the
British Government, and their faith expressly forbids
them taking up arms against the protectors of their
families. Had they fought and died in battle against
the English, they would have been deprived of the joys
of Paradise and martyrdom, and would have been
deemed sinners against their own religion.

The fifth period of Indian Wahabiism has also no
connection whatever with jihad. I cannot believe that
after the death of Wilayat Ali and Inayat Ali, men or
money were forwarded to the frontier from Bengal in
furtherance of a religious war. Since 1857, however,
a band of desperate men, composed of mutineers and

The Fifth Period.

149

others — who, through the severe punishments meted
out during the Mutiny, fled for their lives to those
remote tracts — have taken up their abode at Mulka,
Sittana, in the Nepal Terai, and in the deserts of
Bikaneer and Rajputana. Those who fled to the North-
West frontier were Hindus of all castes, as well as
Mohammedans of different denominations ; and they
instinctively collected together, fleeing, as they were,
from a common danger. It was they, as mentioned
above, who occupied Mulka and other places ; and to
assert, as Dr Hunter does, that they were there for
the purpose of making a religious war against Govern-
ment — composed, as their band was, of Hindus and
Mussulmans of all castes and denominations — is too
absurd for belief. Now every Mohammedan is bound,
according to the precepts of his faith, to set apart at
the end of each year, for the purpose of charity, one-
fortieth part of his capital. This is termed zakat.
Many, of course, do not act up to their religion, and
decline to put their hands into their pockets to benefit
others; but all good Wahabis, and also all Moham-
medans who have Wahabi proclivities, discharge this
duty faithfully. The money thus set apart is paid by
them to the poor of the neighbourhood, to travellers
passing through their towns and villages, to Moulvis
famed for their learning, to convents where pious men
live in retirement, and to pupils residing in mosques,
for their education. In distributing these alms, they
can scarcely be required to find out all the recipient’s
antecedents; and so frightened have Mohammedans
now become of being accused of aiding and abetting
sedition, that in many cases men have abstained alto-
gether from assisting travellers or any one else.
Apparently no Mohammedan can now dispense his
zakat without laying himself open to the charge of aid-
ing a jihad against the English. I think I have proved
that the Indian Wahabi jihad — represented by Dr.
Hunter to have been one against the British — ^was in-
tended solely for the conquest of the Sikhs; and that,
even although the band of mutineers at Mulka and
Sittana may have given trouble to Government after
1857, the frontier colony, composed as it was of Hindus
as well as Mohammedans, was scarcely one which
could be designated as a jihadi community. On open-

Syed Ahmed Khan.

150

ing Dr. Hunter’s book, in the very first page occurs
the following sentence : “ For years a rebel colony has
threatened our frontier, from time to time sending
forth fanatic swarms, who have attacked our camps,
burned our villages, murdered our subjects, and in-
volved our troops in three costly wars.” This is very
pretty writing, enriched as the sentence is by the
phrases “ rebel colony ” and “ fanatic swarms; ” but
the unprejudiced reader will at once ask, ” To whom
does the author refer? ” If he refers to the Wahabis
who settled there to wage jihad against the Sikhs, I
have shown how unfounded such an assertion would
be; and if he means the band of mutineers — Hindus
and Mohammedans — who fled from Hindustan during
the Mutiny, what earthly connection have their raids
with Dr. Hunter’s question, “ Our Indian Mussul-
mans : Are they bound in conscience to rebel against
the Queen? ”

Further, he says : ” Successive State trials prove

that a network of conspiracy has spread itself over our
provinces, and that the bleak mountains which rise
beyond the Panjab are united by an unbroken chain of
treason-depots with the tropical swamps through which
the Ganges merges into the sea. They disclose an
organisation which systematically levies money and
men in the Delta, and forwards them by regular stages
along our high-roads to the rebel camp two thousand
miles off. Men of keen intelligence and ample fortune
have embarked in the plot, and a skilful system of re-
mittances has reduced one of the most perilous enter-
prises of treason to a safe operation of banking.”
This, taken in conjunction with his opening sentence,
leads the reader to believe that this conspiracy was
hatched by the Bengal Mohammedans with the more
or less open concurrence of the whole Mohammedan
community, with the object of subverting the English
rule in India. Now I think Dr. Hunter will allow that
an organisation can exist for other purposes than that
of rebellion; and I think both Dr. Hunter and myself
have shown that an organisation existed in India for
the purpose of attacking the Sikhs. It is most unfair
of him to insinuate that the organisation in question
was one inimical to our Indian Government, and thus
to prejudice the minds of his readers against the whole
of the Indian Mussulmans.

The Reply Continued.

* 5 *

The causes which led to the Mohammedan delibera-
tion and discussion were not those which Dr. Hunter
asserts them to have been. The followers of Islam in
India required no fresh teaching of the doctrines and
obligations enjoined on them by their religion. But
when they found that matters were taking a serious
turn— -that their tenets were being perverted, and that
accusations of disloyalty, and statements of the obliga-
tion of Mohammedans to be disloyal, were becoming
more and more frequent — they deemed it necessary to
issue the fatwas alluded to. These are of no modern
date. They have been in existence for hundreds of
years, and have always been relied upon by Mussul-
mans. Dr. Hunter has, throughout his work, relied
upon very weak authorities when treating of Moham-
medan creeds. He has shown little discretion in not
sifting more carefully the chaff from the wheat.
During and after 1857, the Sittana colony became the
rendezvous of the sepoys and others, Hindus and
Mohammedans, who were expelled from India during
the Mutiny. From 1850 to 1857 not a single collision
occurred between Dr Hunter’s “ fanatics ” and the
British troops. After 1857, however, the collisions are
frequent. What is the inference to be drawn from this?
I think there can be but one — viz., that it was the
Company’s mutinous sepoys who were the instigators
and actors in much that occurred since that year. The
Wahabis — i.e., the remnants of Syed Ahmed’s band —
had no hand in the raids ; nor is there the slightest
foundation for Dr. Hunter’s sweeping assertion, that
the flames then kindled were nursed by the Moham-
medan community in India. The border tribes had also
a great deal to do with the many raids and cases of
kidnapping, burning and plundering of British villages ;
but to lay all these atrocities at the door of Syed
Ahmed’s followers, and through them to implicate the
whole of the Indian Mussulmans, is monstrous in the
extreme.

As regards the opposition made by the hill clans in
the Ambeyla campaign, I have only to remark — and
this is borne out by British officers themselves on the
spot — that they were not influenced by any love for
the Mulka host, but were justly incensed at the invasion
of their territories without their permission. Had they

Syed Ahmed Khan,

* 5 ^

had notice of our intention of advancing by the
Ambeyla Pass, they would almost all have been on the
side of the British. No intimation, however, of our
plans was given them, and the suspicion engendered
in their minds by such conduct made them range them-
selves on the side of the Sittana colonists. Had the
British been in the place of the border tribes, would
they not have done likewise?

Syed Ahmed then goes on to prove, book by book,
Dr. Hunter’s many errors. The best knock-down blow
which the unlucky Doctor received was with reference
to the ** Asar-i-Mahsar,” a work written by Moulvi
Mahomed Ali. Syed Ahmed says : —

With reference to this work our author says : “It
foretells a war in the Khyber hills on the Punjab
frontier^ where the English will first vanquish the
faithful, whereupon the Mohammedans will make
search for their true Imam. Then there will be a
battle lasting four days, ending in the complete over-
throw of the English, ‘ even the very smell of Govern-
ment being driven out of their heads and brains.*
Thereafter the Imam Mahdi will appear, and the
Mohammedans, being now the rulers of India, will
flock to meet him at Mecca. These events will be
heralded in by an eclipse both of the sun and moon in
the month of Ramzan.” Now I frankly confess that I
am at a loss what to think of Dr. Hunter. I can
scarcely believe that he intended to deceive or mislead
his readers ; but at the same time, I can hardly credit
him with such gross ignorance as is here evinced.
Either one or the other supposition is the correct one,
so that Dr. Hunter stands convicted either of inten-
tionally misleading the public, or of “ignorance
profound.” Bear in mind the fact that the “ Khyber
hills on our Pan jab frontier ” of Dr Hunter are hills
of the same name situated near Medina I

Dr. Hunter is not apparently aware of the existence
of many earnest Wahabis, as also men who, though no
Wahabis, have Wahabi tendencies, who are desirous
that as the Wahabi faith is pure as regards God, so it
may be as regards men ; that mutual love may reign
throughout the earth ; and that as their faith inculcates

Dr. Hunter^ s Errors Refuted. 153

the unity of God, it may also be the means of promoting
brotherhood amongst the human race. That there are
such men, and that Jheir example will be powerful for
good, is undoubted. Having admitted, then, that there
are certain Wahabis whose faults are great, and whose
ways arc opposed to the ordinances of God and his
Prophet, I cannot admit that Dr. Hunter’s assertion,
that the reformation of the Mussulman faith is
inseparably linked with hatred against the infidel
conquerors, is in the slightest degree correct. I am
perfectly certain in my own mind that the purification
of our faith, and our loyalty to the Government under
whom we live and serve, are perfectly compatible.

Towards the end of the third chapter. Dr. Hunter
says that he has no hope of enthusiastic loyalty and
friendship from the Mohammedans of India ; the
utmost he can expect from them is a cold acquiescence
in British rule. If the author is so hopeless on account
of our faith being that of Islam, let me commend to his
attention the 85th verse, chapter v., of the Holy Koran
(George Sale’s translation) : “ Thou shalt surely find
the most violent of all men in enmity against the true
believers to be the Jews and the idolaters : and thou
shalt surely find those among them to be the most
inclinable to entertain friendship for true believers who
say we are Christians. This cometh to pass because
there are priests and monks among them, and because
they are not elated with pride.” Like begets like ;
and if cold acquiescence is all that Mohammedans
receive at the hands of the ruling race, Dr. Hunter
must not be surprised at the cold acquiescence of the
Mohammedan community. Let us both — Christians
and Mohammedans — remember and act up to the words
of Jesus Christ : ” Therefore all things whatsoever ye
would that men should do to you, do you even so to
them ; for this is the law and the prophets ”
(Matt. vii. 12).

It is evident that as long as Mussulmans can preach
the unity of God in perfect peace, no Mussulman can,
according to his religion, wage war against the rulers
of that country, of whatever creed they be. Next to
the Holy Koran, the most authoritative and favourite
works of the Wahabis are ‘‘ Bokhari ” and ” Muslim,”
and both of them say : ” When our Prophet,

*54

Syed Ahmed Khan.

Mohammed, marched against any infidel people to
wage holy war upon them, he stopped the commence-
ment of hostilities till morning, in order to find out
whether the azan (call for prayer) was being called in
the adjacent country. If so, he never fought with its
inhabitants.*’ His motive for this was, that from
hearing the aaan, he (the Prophet) could at once ascer-
tain whether the Moslems of the place could discharge
their religious duties and ceremonies openly and with-
out molestation. Now we Mohammedans of India live
in this country with every sort of religious liberty ; we
discharge the duties of our faith with perfect freedom ;
we read our azans as loud as we wish ; w'e can preach
our faith on the public roads and thoroughfares as
freely as Christian missionaries preach theirs ; we fear-
lessly write and publish our answers to the charges laid
against Islam by the Christian clergy, and even publish
works against the Christian faith ; and last, though not
least, we make converts of Christians to Islam without
fear or prohibition.

I cannot, however, predict what the actual conduct
of the Mussulmans would be in the event of an invasion
of India by a Mohammedan or any other Power. He
would be a bold man, indeed, who would answer for
more than his intimate friends and relations, perhaps
not even for them.

Dr. Hunter then describes at length the causes which
have impoverished the Mohammedan community, and
accuses Government of neglecting to educate that
portion of its Indian subjects. I cannot hold Govern-
ment wholly responsible for this. He says that
Mohammedans do not avail themselves of the Govern-
ment system of education, because “ the truth is, that
our system of public instruction, which has awakened
the Hindus from the sleep of centuries, and quickened
their inert masses with some of the noble impulses of
a nation, is opposed to the traditions, unsuited to the
requirements, and hateful to the religion of the
Mussulmans.” There is a good deal of truth in this
sentence ; and I only join issue with Dr. Hunter on the
last clause — ^viz., that the system is regarded as
” hateful to the religion ot the Mussulmans.” Dr.
Hunter connects this with disaffection and loyalty to
Government ; but as this is only his owm opinion, I

The Refutation Continued,

*55

meet it with mine, and maintain that he is mistaken.
As regards the present system of education, so eagerly
embraced by the Hindus, but so repugnant to the ideas
of Mohammedans, it must be borne in mind how wide
is the difference between the two races. There are
numerous classes of Hindus who are never in the habit
of discussing the doctrines of their faith. They there-
fore had no objection to be educated in that which was
even opposed to it. Mohammedans are, however,
bound to know all the tenets of their faith, to discuss
them, and to regulate their lives accordingly. It is on
this account that they have hitherto refrained from
availing themselves of an education taught through the
medium of a foreign tongue, and which they therefore
deem opposed to their belief. All history proves that
the introduction of new theories, opposed to any estab-
lished belief, was invariably regarded with suspicion
and contempt. It is not to be expected that Moham-
medans, who are made of much sterner material than
Hindus, will adapt themselves so readily to the various
phases of this changing age. Let us have time — ^let
us live, work, and wait. There are many reformers
now at work, a fact which Dr. Hunter does not, how-
ever, appear to be aware of. The system which Dr.
Hunter recommends for the education of Moham-
medans does not commend itself to me, nor do I think
it to be practicable. The object which he aims at will
never be obtained by Government interference, but will
certainly come to pass by our own exertions. Dr.
Hunter writes : “ We should thus at length have the
Mohammedan youth educated upon our own plan. The
rising generation of Mohammedans would tread the
steps which have conducted the Hindus, not long ago
the most bigoted nation upon earth, into their present
state of easy tolerance. Such a tolerance implies a less
earnest belief than their fathers had ; but it has freed
them, as it would liberate the Mussulmans, from the
cruelties which they inflicted, the crimes which they
perpetrated, and the miseries which they endured, in
the name of a mistaken religion.” I cannot compli-
ment our author upon a straightforward system of
education. If Government do not deal openly and
fairly with its Mohammedan subjects, if it deals with
them in the underhand way recommended by Dr.

Syed Ahmed Khan,

156

Hunter, I foresee much trouble both in our days and
hereafter. The evils that now exist owe their origin
greatly to the want of union and sympathy between the
rulers and the ruled, and ideas like Dr. Hunter’s only
tend to widen the gap. This Wahabi conspiracy has,
I think, influenced his mind as he wrote, and he has
allowed himself to be carried away by it. His work
was politically a grave, and in a minor degree an
historical, mistake. It is, however, hard, as 1 have
already said, for one of the minority to attempt to
remove the impression which literary skill like Dr.
Hunter’s has undoubtedly made on the minds of the
Indian public. This impression was, as regards the
native community, heightened by Dr. Hunter’s work
having received the approbation of the highest func-
tionary in India.

With reference to this pamphlet of Syed Ahmed’s, Sir
Alfred Lyall, in his Islam in India ” (Asiatic Studies),
after reviewing the historical condition and conse-
quences of our position in India, says : “ It would, I
believe, be much nearer the truth to say that the
inconsiderate and uneducated mass of them are against
us, than that the ‘ best men are not on our side,’ as
Dr. Hunter too insidiously affirms. That author
appears to lay too much stress upon the significance of
the spread of Wahabiism in Lower Bengal, among a
comparatively depressed and unwarlike Mohammedan
population. Syed Ahmed, in his letters to the * Indian
Pioneer ’ (1871), denies that even the Wahabis consider
that their situation under the English in India justifies
a holy war ; and he mentions that in 1857, when the
mutineers held Delhi, Bakht Khan, the rebel com-
mander, endeavoured to compel the Moulvis of that
city to declare lawful a jihad against the British, but
was boldly withstood and opposed by two leading
Wahabis.”

When Syed Ahmed returned to India from England,

Sir Syeci Ahmed at Benares. 157

in 1870, he was appointed subordinate Judge (Suddur
Ameen) of Benares, where we were then stationed.
Fate, apparently, seemed always to throw us together.
In a way it was pleasant for him to be near us ; for at
that time intercourse, in a friendly way, with natives
was not common, and naturally coming from England,
where he had everywhere been well received, he would
have felt the petty slights to which he might be
exposed. The Judge of Benares, a perfect gentleman
of the old Haileybury school, was a great friend of
ours, and he and his wife agreed to meet Syed Ahmed
at dinner at our house, so we gave a dinner at which
both English ladies and gentlemen were present, and I
believe that this was the first occasion on which a
Mohammedan gentleman had dined at a private dinner
party in India. My wife was, of course, most careful
to omit anything from the menu which would be
objectionable to a man of his creed.

He settled down in a large house on the banks of the
Barna river, and lived in European style. I have often
wondered whether the “ simple life ” of the Asiatic is
not better suited to the East than our over elaborated
Western civilisation, but Asiatics who have lived in
England seem to prefer our habits. I remember at the
Imperial Assemblage at Delhi (1876-77), going to see
the Maharaja of Kash mire’s wonderful shawl tent just
after it had been used at a reception, by the Maharaja,
of Lord Lytton, then Viceroy. The tent was empty
save for a quiet un jewelled gentleman seated on a
white cloth on the floor and with one or two others near
him; this was the Maharaja himself, who as soon as
the reception was over had hastened to divest himself
of the panoply of state and returned to the “ simple
life ! ”

15® Syed Ahmed Khan.

Syed Ahmed, when at Benares, was working hard to
collect funds for the great work of his life, the founda-
tion of the Allighur College. At that time a relation
of my wife’s, John Murray Kennedy, of Knocknalling,
was staying with us. Himself a Cambridge graduate,
he was deeply interested in Syed Ahmed’s plans for the
better education of his co-religionists, and I believe he
was the first man, unconnected with India, to give a
donation of i,ooo rupees towards the Syed’s schemes ;
money was then being liberally subscribed by natives,
and the dream of Syed Ahmed’s life was soon to
become an accomplished fact.

It was at Benares that Syed Mahmoud joined his
father, after being called to the Bar in England, and
before he started to practice at Allahabad. During our
stay in Benares our intercourse with Syed Ahmed was
constant and most intimate. I remember on one occa-
sion dining at the house on the Barna. After an excel-
lent English dinner some attendants brought in a large
package, wrapped in scarlet cloth, and sealed with the
Imperial seal of Delhi. When opened the package was
found to contain thirty or more dishes of real Moham-
medan cookery, prepared and cooked by the begams
of the Princes of Delhi, then living at Benares, and
sealed as in the time of the old Emperors of Delhi ; a
wise protection against poison. Some of the dishes
were excellent, and Syed Ahmed was greatly pleased at
my wife’s appreciation of them, for whom they had
been prepared. We left Benares in 1873
meet Syed Ahmed again until January 1877, when we
were present at the laying of the foundation stone of
the Anglo-Mohammedan College.

159

CHAPTER XIII.

THE MOHAMMEDAN ANGLO - ORIENTAL COLLEGE PRIZE

ESSAYS RETURN OF SYED MAHMUD OPENING OF THE

ANGLO - ORIENTAL COLLEGE AT ALLYGURH SYED

AHMED’S RETIREMENT SIR WILLIAM MUIR’S VISIT TO

ALLYGURH LAYING FOUNDATION-STONE OF COLLEGE

DINNER AT THE ALLYGURH INSTITUTE.

Ever since his return from England, Syed Ahmed had
been canvassing all parts of the country for funds tor
the establishment of his college, which was to be inde-
pendent of Government, and which would provide
religious instruction for scholars, not only Mohamme-
dans but of all denominations. He had formed some
of the more enlightened of the Mohammedan com-
munity into “ A Committee for the better diffusion and
advancement of learning among the Mohammedans of
India; ** and the endeavours of this Committee were
directed, as Syed Ahmed said in a small pamphlet
which he published, to the investigation of the causes
which prevented the Mohammedan community from
availing themselves adequately of Government educa-
tional institutions, and to provide means by which they
might be reconciled to the study of Western arts and
sciences. The Committee offered three prizes for the
best essays on the subject, and no less than thirty-two

i6o Syed Ahmed Khan,

essays were sent in. ’’The Pioneer,” in an article
written some years later (1877), gave the following
opinion on them : —

Thirty-two essays were sent in, and the honorary
secretary of the Commtitee, in a long report now before
us, has given an abstract of the arguments advanced
by the essayists. The reasons why Mussulmans object
to the education imparted by the State are classified in
the secretary’s report under the following h^ads : —

1. Absence of religious education, 1

2. Effect of English education in producing dis^

belief in faith,

3. Corruption of morals^ politeness^ and courtesy,

4. Prejudices^ which are thus enumerated : —

That to read English is unlawful, and forbidden by
the laws of Islam. That in Government colleges and
schools Mohammedans are not allowed time to attend
to their religious duties and to go to their Friday
prayers. That there are no Mohammedan masters In
Government colleges and schools. That the Hindu
and Christian masters pay no attention to Moham-
medan pupils, and that they treat them with severity.
That the masters in Government colleges and schools
are not generally well behaved, that their manners
are generally depraved, and that they do not
perfectly explain the lessons to their pupils. That the
Mohammedans regard the sciences contained in works
in foreign languages as of little value in comparison
with those in their own, and the professors of these
sciences are men of little learning and ability. That
the Government system of education is opposed to their
national habits and customs.

5. The faults of the Government system of educa-

tion ^ which are represented as exhibited chiefly
in the following circumstances : —

That the entire management of education is in the
hands of one director, who does not consult the feelings
of the Mussulmans. That superfluous subjects are
taught, which distract the attention of the students
from important subjects. That a sufficient number of
teachers is not provided, and instruction is given to

Why Mussulmans object to State Education. i6i

the boys without any reference to their natural inclina-
tions and capacities. That sciences are taught through
the medium of English, which enhances the difficulty
of the subject to beginners. That the method of
examination does not secure a thorough knowledge on
the subject, and encourages cramming. That oriental
languages are not properly taught, and books contain-
ing matter hostile to Islam have been introduced in the
Government colleges and schools.

6. Habits and manners of the Mussulman population.

These are thus stated : —

(a) That the richer classes educate their children at

home, and think it below their position to send
them away from home to Government educa-
tional institutions, where children of all classes
are allowed to associate with each other.

(b) That they, moreover, having ample means of

livelihood, owing to a foolish fondness for
their children, consider education unnecessary
for them.

(c) That the higher classes of Mussulmans are

dissipated, and that even the middle classes
are naturally indolent, indifferent to educa-
tion, and improvident.

(d) That the Mussulmans not being generally on

terms of friendly intercourse with English-
men, there is no influence that can make
English education popular amongst them.

{e) That the Mussulmans having a hereditary liking
for the military profession, have no great
desire to acquire learning.

The “ Committee for the better diffusion and ad-
vancement of learning among Mohammedans ** de-
cided, at a meeting held at Benares, that they were not
bound to “ consider and determine upon such means
only which might suit the present age, and which
might now be practicable; ” but that they had also to
consider ** the means which, quite irrespective of the
existing circumstances, might be of real use to Moham-
medans in the future.” They had “to look forward
to and inaugurate an educational system for future
generations, although such a system could not possibly

K

i 62

Syed Ahmed Khan,

be brought into working order all at once; they could
consider the fabric as a whole, and commence such
portions of it as are at present feasible.’* It was then
agreed that ** the times and spirit of the age, the
sciences, and the results of those sciences, have all
been altered. The old Mohammedan books and the
tone of their writers do not teach the followers of
Islam independence of thought, perspicuity, and sim-
plicity; nor do they enable them to arrive at the truth
of matters in general ; on the contrary, they deceive*
and teach men to veil their meaning, to embellish their
speech with fine words, to describe things wrongly
and in irrelevant terms, to flatter with false praise, to
live in a state of bondage, to puff themselves up with
pride, haughtiness, vanity, and self-conceit to their
fellow-creatures, to have no sympathy with them, to
speak with exaggeration, to leave the history of the
past uncertain, and to relate facts like tales and
stories.”

The College was established. One main feature
which distinguishes it from other educational institu-
tions in India is, that most of the students are obliged
to live within its precincts, thus removed from the
injurious influences which in an Indian home prejudice
the growth of the young mind. The main object of the
institution is to impart liberal instruction to the chlid-
ren of the better classes of the Mussulman com-
munity, — to make them regard English education, not
as a mere technical training for Government service,
but as necessary to a gentleman whether of Western
or oriental birth. The college course will last about
five years, excluding the school course, which extends
over four years, during which boys go through the
education preparatory for the higher course. The
chief subjects to be taught in the college are : —

I. Languages: English and Arabic (including ele-
mentary Mohammedan theology).

II. Moral Sciences: (i) Logic, Rhetoric, Mental and
Moral Philosophy; (2) Political Economy, Political
Philosophy, and Science of History.

III. Natnrcd Philosophy: (1) Mathematics, (2)
Natural Sciences.

A Nahve Princes Maiden Dinner^ 163

IV. Mohammedan Law^ Jurisprudence ^ and
Theology.

The last meeting of the Committee was held on the
15th April 1872, and it was then resolved that “ The
Mohammedan Angla>Oriental College Fund Com-
mittee should be formed, which Committee gave
existence to the present College at Allygurh.

In October 1873, Syed Mahmud returned from Cam-
bridge and Lincoln's Inn a barrister-at-law, and his
father gave a dinner to celebrate the occasion. It was
remarkable as being the first dinner in these provinces
at which Mohammedan and English gentlemen sat
down together. There were upwards of forty at table,
Syed Ahmed at the top and I at the bottom. An
amusing episode occurred. Alongside one of the
Mohammedan gentlemen, who happened to have a
great sense of humour, and who had already dined
privately with Europeans, was a certain Nawab whose
maiden dinner it was with us. After the soup, when
the first course came round, he vrhispered to his more
experienced neighbour, “ What is this dish? ” “ Soor
(pig),” was the prompt reply. That dish was of neces-
sity hastily passed on untouched by the Nawab. The
same thing occurred when the next dish was presented
to him, and he would have starved had not the wag
taken pity on him and let out the joke. I wish Mr.
Wilfrid Blunt could have been present that night, one
of the many that I have spent with my native gentle-
men friends. He could not have asserted in the ” Fort-
nightly ” lately that the native gentleman takes his
dinner sadly with us.

In April 1874 I was transferred from Benares, and
Syed Ahmed and other native genetlemen gave me a
dinner and evening party, at which many Mohamme-

Syed Ahmed Khan.

164

dan and European gentlemen dined together, and
numbers of Hindu gentlemen were present. The dinner
was given in the fairy-like gardens of my good friend
Raja Shambu Narainha Sinha. Speeches were inter-
dicted from headquarters, greatly to the annoyance of
Syed Ahmed. Some days after this all my native
friends saw my wife and self off at the railway station,
and the last we saw and heard was old Syed Ahmed
waving his fez cap above his venerable head, leading
three cheers for us. I next met him at the Imperial
Assemblage at Delhi in December 1876.

The ceremony of the opening of the College took
place on the 24th May 1875, actual work com-
menced on the I St June, when some of the school
classes were formed. On the 12th November of this
year Sir William Muir visited the College and delivered
the following address : —

My Friends, Members of the Committee, Nawabs,
AND Supporters of the Mohammedan Anglo-
Oriental College, — I am very glad to be here on this
interesting occasion, and to be able to congratulate the
Committee on finding that the institution has reached
so practical and prosperous a stage ; and I specially
wish my friend Syed Ahmed Khan Bahadoor joy at the
desire he has so long cherished as the chief wish of his
heart receiving the first fruit of its fulfilment.

I had two objects in making this visit to Allygurh :
First, you have done me the honour of appointing me a
visitor of this college, and in pursuance of that office
it was incumbent on me to inspect the institution,
observe its progress, and offer any advice which the
circumstances might demand. Next, when I contri-
buted to the funds of this project, it was on the condi-
tion that the amount should be appropriated strictly to
the furtherance of secular studies, and of European
science and literature ; and I thought that it would be
satisfactory, as well to the Committee as to myself, to
inquire upon the spot how far the arrangements for the
serrate pursuit of these secular studies were in actual

opening of College — Sir IV. Muif^s Address. 165

operation before completing my donation. I need not
say, after the report which has just been read, that the
promised arrangements have been faithfully and fully
carried out.

I take this opportunity of making a few remarks on
the relations in which we English stand to this Moham-
medan college, and the conditions under which it
appears to me that it can be legitimately aided by us
who profess the Christian faith. The great majority
of mankind agree in this, that the education of the
young should be upon the religious basis ; few dispute
it as an abstract principle. The youthful mind is like a
newly planted twig : bend the branch, and in after-
years it will remain always crooked ; train it straight
and upright, so it will be hereafter. If childhood is
passed without the inculcation of those high truths
which influence the life, — the sense of a personal deity,
the consciousness of right and wrong, the doctrine of
rewards and punishments, — the probabilities are, that
the restraints against vice and self-indulgence will be
permanently weakened. On the contrary, the earlier
instruction, moral and religious, is imparted, the more
it is assimilated with the constitution, and the more
efficacious it becomes.

If the State were to inculcate Christianity in its
schools and colleges, the Hindus and the Mohamme-
dans would naturally object ; and a Christian Govern-
ment could not inculcate the tenets of Hinduism or
Islam. The State in its schools is not indeed unmind-
ful of the great and fundamental principles of morality ;
but religion the State must leave to be taught and
enforced at home ; it becomes the duty of the parents
in their domestic training to supply the want. Many,
too, would probably hold that any other course was
inconsistent with the gracious assurance of the Queen,
who, when assuming the direct administration of this
Government, declared that while herself placing a firm
reliance on the truth of Christianity, and acknow-
ledging with gratitude the solace of the Christian
religion, disclaimed alike the right and the desire to
impose her own convictions upon her Indian subjects.

But when, apart from any official relation to the
Government, we come to act in our private capacity,
we are free to follow our own convictions, and it is

i66 Syed Ahmed Khan.

then our general practice personally to support those
institutions in which education is founded on religious
principles. Believing ourselves in the divine origin
of Christianity and the inestimable blessings it confers,
we thus, in our individual and private capacity, support
those seminaries of youth in which education is based
upon the truths of the Christian faith.

Now it is precisely because we hold these principles
and make this our practice that we can fully recognise
the corresponding principles upon which, from a
Mohammedan point of view, this college has been
founded, and can sympathise so far with the action of
this Committee. And although, holding the Christian
faith, we cannot ourselves contribute towards the
inculcation of the tenets of Islam, we can yet fully
approve the wide and liberal basis upon which the
college is established. And more than this, in so far
as the teaching of secular learning, history, science,
and literature are separately communicated to the
students, I for one am prepared to aid in rendering
this department of the college, as it promises to be,
thoroughly efficient towards its end.

And, in truth, the grand benefits to be secured from
the instruction of your pupils with a wide range of
literature and scientific knowledge are so great that
they cannot possibly be overestimated. It is thus that
the mind and sympathies of the youth will be enlarged.
The knowledge of history and of foreign lands will
correct views otherwise narrowed by the sole contem-
plation of what is immediately around, and enable the
youth to expatiate in the experience of other ages and
of other nations than their own ; their minds will be
improved by acquaintance with the great discoveries,
mechanical and scientific, of later times ; and their
view will be elevated and expanded by contemplation
of the works of the Creator in the starry heavens, and
the wonders of nature here on earth. If you ascend
even a little eminence in the country, the view expands,
and the survey becomes more distant and comprehen-
sive. Some of you have been in the Himalayan hills.
So long as you remain in a valley, the landscape is
confined ; you see but a few villages, and these perhaps
obscured by cloud and mist. Such is the state of
ignorance and narrow-mindedness in which neglected

The Address Continued,

167

youth is left. But as you ascend, the circle amplifies ;
new hills, new scenes open out before vou ; still higher,
the great plains of Hindustan, mapped as it were for
hundred of miles around, stretch into sight, and the
horizon is seen farther and farther in the widening
distance ; and if you mount yet higher, the glorious
range of snow with its dazzling peaks rises into view,
and the whole soul kindles at the sight. The narrow-
ness and obscurity have gone, and a far-seeing and
unbounded expansiveness taken their place. Even
such is the effect of the higher education and pursuit
of liberal studies.

And now one word of advice to the boys themselves.
Knowledge is not the sole or highest object of your
education here. Let the ileves of the Allygurh College
be known not only for their learning, but also for iheir
probity and faithfulness; for truth, obedience to their
parents, and discharge of all the relative duties of life;
for purity and self-restraint; for sympathy and con-
sideration for the wants of others. Let those within
your reach be the better and the happier for you. The
pillar of social morality is just this, that you should
share and lighten the burdens of your neighbour.

And when you have finished your course here, do
not deem your education as if it were complete. The
true student is a student all his life. You will seek to
benefit your country by your learning; you will endeav-
our to impart to others the blessings you have your-
selves received, to extend sound education, and to raise
the social standard around you. There is a kind of
knowledge that is mechanical and fruitless. In the
Koran it is likened to the lading of books upon an ass —
ka masal il himari yahmilu as f Oran; the ass is not a
whit the wiser or the better for his load. See that this
be not the case with any of you; but let the fruits be
manifest in a God-fearing, honest, and useful life.

I have often while in these provinces lamented the
custom by which the females of India are left in igno-
rance, and have urged upon you the necessity, if you
would really seek to elevate the social position of the
people, of educating your girls. And here once more
I would advert to the subject, for I feel persuaded that
until this is done no real advance will be permanently
secured. I lately saw in the papers the account of an

i68

Syed Ahmed Khan.

excellent school established at Cairo by one of the
wives of his Highness the Khedive of Egypt. This lady
erected for the purpose a beautiful building, and pro-
cured a lady from Syria, called Sitt Rosa, with a staff
of teachers. There are 200 boarders and 100 day-
scholars; and they are taught all kinds of needlework,
European and oriental, besides reading and writing and
useful knowledge. As I read, I thought to myself —
Would that some native lady in these provinces might
follow this example ! Such, now, is a specimen of the
way in which each and all of you might become useful
to your fellow-countrymen.

Sir William Muir then acknowledged the munificent
patronage of his Highness the Nawab of Rampore,
G.C.S.I., and of his Highness the Maharajah of
Patialla, G.C.S.I., towards the college; and the aid of
Sir Salar Jang, G.C.S.I., who had accepted the office
of visitor. Nawab Asghur Ally, Minister of the Nawab
of Rampore, would be able to communicate to his
Highness in what a promising state of forwardness
Sir W. Muir had found the institution to be. Of the
local gentry. Rajah Syed Bakar Ally Khan, Talookdar
of Pundrawal, Lutf Ally Khan of Chittaree, and
Inayatoolla Khan of Bheekumpore, w'ere also men-
tioned with commendation.

Moulvie Samee-oolla, the Subordinate Judge of Ally-
gurh, had devoted himself heart and soul to the institu-
tion; and the rapid progress already attained was in
great measure due to him.

Mohammed Obeidoolla Khan, Sahebzada of Tonk,
was mentioned as present with three of the Nawab’s
cousins, whose education at the college would show
the confidence reposed in the institution by leading men
in that State.

Syed Ahmed Khan, C.S.I., being himself one of his
auditors. Sir W. Muir would refrain from dilating on
what the college owed to him. As he had said before,
that which had been the fond desire of his heart for
many years, was now in fair course of being fulfilled;
and the consciousness of this would be his highest
reward.

Finally, Sir W. Muir had great pleasure in assuring
the Committee of the warm interest taken in the insti-
tution by the Viceroy himself. Before leaving Simla,

Syed Ahffted Retires, 169

Lord Northbrook had told him that, if other public
engagements should admit of his doing so, his Excel-
lency would be prepared in the spring to lay the founda-
tion-stone of the college

Sir W. Muir then acknowledged the valuable assist-
ance which the college had received from Mr. Deigh-
ton, Principal of the Agra College, who had honoured
them with his presence. And he concluded by saying
that he trusted yet, before retiring from India, to see
the college buildings well completed, and the institution
in full working order.

In 1876, after thirty-seven years* service, Syed
Ahmed retired on his pension, and took up his abode
at Allygurh. In October 1876, Sir William Muir again
visited Allygurh on his way home, and was presented
by Mohammedans with a beautifully engrossed address
in a sandal-wood box mounted in chased silver. In the
course of their address they announced that they had
raised a fund to establish a scholarship, to be called
after his name. “ This,** they said, “ will be for our
future generations a memorial of your zeal for Western
learning, combined with your attention to the sciences
of the Arabs, and an enduring record of the deep im-
pression which you have left on our minds, and your
noble exertions on our behalf.*’

Sir William Muir replied first in Urdu and then in
English : —

My Friends, — I receive your address with feelings
of high gratification. It is a matter of the deepest
satisfaction to me that, in my administration of these
provinces, I should in any measure have secured the
confidence of the great Mohammedan body which you
represent. Receive the warm reciprocation of my re-
gard, and my sincere sorrow at the prospect of bidding
a final farewell to friends among whom 1 have lived
during the greater part of my life, and whom I so
highly and affectionately esteem.

The form in which you propose to perpetuate the
memory of my residence among you is the one which

170 Syed Ahmed Khan,

of all others most approves itself to my sympathy and
judgment. I have long appreciated the study of the
noble language in which the address is so simply and
elegantly written, and have myself beguiled many an
hour in the company of the early Arabic writers. I
look to the highest advantages being gained by your
race in India from the study of your beautiful and
classical language, combined with the study of the
literature and science of the West, and it is this com-
bination which has led me to take so special an interest
in the Mohammedan College of Allygurh. It was there-
fore with no common feelings of pleasure that I
learned your design of endowing a scholarship in my
name having this object in view.

My friends, during the whole course of my adminis-
tration, I have ever found the Mussulmans of Upper
India faithful to the Queen; and, amongst their superior
ranks, very many who have been forward to support
the British Government in its great work of promoting
the prosperity and elevating the social and moral con-
dition of the people.

I shall carry with me, and ever bear in my heart,
the memory of the goodness I have experienced at
your hands, and of associations which have enshrined
many amongst you in the number of friends very dear
to me. Farewell ! and may every blessing attend
you. Your sincere and faithful friend, W. Muir.

In December 1876 my wife and I went up to Delhi
for the Imperial Assemblage, and met Syed Ahmed
after a parting of over two years. One day in writing
to my old friend his Highness the Maharaja of Benares,
who was at the Assemblage, I put the letters G.C.S.I.
after his name on the envelope. A few days after-
wards he came over to me quite excited, and asked me
how 1 had known that he was to get the Grand Cross
of the Star of India, as he had only received intimation
that it had been bestowed upon him that morning !
Syed Ahmed, years afterwards, on my telling him of
this curious coincidence, reminded me that I had, in
1863, told him that 1 should see him in Council.

The Foundation Stone of the College Laid. 171

Curiously enough, I also told Syed Mahmud, when he
came out from England in 1873, that he would be the
first Native Judge in the High Court, North-West
Provinces. He has been one now (1885) for years
past

On the night of the 7th January we went to Allygurh
as Syed Ahmed's guests, to witness the laying the
foundation of his college by Lord Lytton. As the
Viceregal party were to occupy Syed Ahmed’s house,
he lodged us in a house close by, and entertained us
regally.

“ The Pioneer ” of the 8th contained an article on
** Mohammedan Education,” of which the following is
an extract : ”The ceremony which takes place to-day at
Allygurh marks the great progress already made by one
of the most thoroughly sound and promising move-
ments ever set on foot for the advancement of Indian
education. The name of Syed Ahmed Khan, the prin-
cipal promoter of the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental
College, will be held in grateful remembrance in the
future by large masses of his countrymen, who may as
yet hardly appreciate the importance of the influence
he has brought to bear upon their intellectual and
political development. The rising college bids fair to
be a real force in this country, and its expansion is
guaranteed by the fact that it is entirely spontaneous
in its growth — the fruit, that is to say, of purely native
sagacity and determination, in no way an exotic insti-
tution, planted by Government and watered by official
favour.”

Lord and Lady Lytton and party arrived at Allygurh
on the 8th, and the following is an abbreviated account
of the ceremony

Syed Ahmed Khan,

172

One of the most important movements in connection
with the progress of the more advanced section of the
Mohammedan body in India has to-day assumed a
tangible shape, which cannot fail to attract considerable
attention both from intelligent natives and from the
Anglo-Indian community. It has long been recognised
that a spirit of enlightened advancement has of late
begun to make itself felt among the higher class of
Mohammedans in India, and the untiring energy of
Syed Ahmed Khan, Bahadoor, certainly one of the
most remarkable men of his race, has brought about
results which a few years ago would have seemed im-
possible. With a depth of insight which was as well
guided as it was original in its working, Syed Ahmed
recognised the all-important fact that if the Moham-
medan population was to assume a position in which
its abilities and natural powers would have full play,
it would be necessary to accept Western ideas of
education, and to break through the prejudices which
held his countrymen in check. Without such a system
of education as would enable a Mohammedan youth to
compete with English rivals for place and advancement
under the Government of the country, he saw at once
that the severest efforts would fail to accomplish any
great purpose, and that, how'ever supreme his own
influence might be in life, it would inevitably pass away
when his personal attention was withdrawn. But if,
by a process of constant and unwearying labour, he
was able to establish a new order of things which
might, in the ordinary course of events, exercise a
direct and permanent effect upon the whole Moham-
medan body, then he became convinced that such
labour should be given freely and ungrudgingly, as the
end to be attained would contain its own reward. The
elevation, morally and socially, of a race with traditions
and superstitions equal to, if not surpassing, those of
any Western Power, was in itself a task from which
most orientals would have shrunk; but even persecu-
tion of the most bigoted kind could not deter the leader
of advanced Islam in India from steadily pursuing his
own course. The establishment of a college, framed as
nearly as possible upon lines of the English universities,
was the particular form which his ideas assumed; and
after extraordinary difficulties and opposition, he has so

Address to the Viceroy,

173

far broken down the barriers of his conservative
countrymen that the foundation of the Mohammedan
Anglo-Oriental College has become possible. The sup-
port accorded, not only by members of Syed Ahmed’s
creed, but by philanthropic Englishmen and broad-
minded Hindus, has been so liberal, that a future of
infinite promise appears to be extended before the insti-
tution. This is not the first time that allusion has been
made to the college and its special objects, and it is
exceedingly gratifying that the ceremony of laying the
foundation-stone of the building to-day was presided
over by the Viceroy in person, and that his Excellency
was privileged to meet a large body of representative
Mohammedans whose loyalty is above reproach, and
whose eagerness to advance the social condition of
their fellows is based upon no selfish or unworthy
motives.

Lord Lytton arrived at Allygurh by special train from
Patialla at nine o’clock this morning. Breakfast was
served at the residence of Syed Ahmed, at which a
number of native gentlemen, members of the Com-
mittee, were presented to his Excellency; and a visit
was afterwards paid to the present college. Lord
Lytton then returned to his host’s house, and at noon
a procession of carriages was formed to the •shamiana
which had been erected on the college grounds, and
which was already nearly filled by a large number of
Mohammedan gentlemen. His lordship was received
by Syed Ahmed, and the whole of the assembly rose
as his Excellency entered the shamiana.

As soon as the Viceroy was seated, after acknow-
ledgment of his reception, Mr. Syed Mahmud stepped
forward and read an address, containing objects sought
to be obtained in the establishment of the college.

Address.

To H.E. the Right Hon. Edward Robert Lytton
Bulwer-Lytton

Baron Lytton of Knebworth, G.M.S.I.,

Viceroy and Governor-General of India.

May it please your Excellency,^ — On an occasion
like the present, when we, the loyal subjects of her
Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland,

174

Syed Ahmed Khan.

and Empress of India, are assembled here from all
parts of this vast empire to inaugurate the foundation
of an educational institution, the first of its kind in this
country, it will not be out of place to express in a public
manner the profound gratitude which we feel for the
great attention which the English Government in India
has paid to the education of our countrymen. It is,
indeed, only doing justice to our feelings when we say
that never before in the history of the world has one
nation so striven to raise the moral and intellectual
state of another.

We, the Mussulman subjects of her Imperial Majesty,
consider ourselves more particularly bound in grati-
tude to the Government of India for its having of late
years shown so strong a disposition to advance the
cause of education amongst our community, and for
issuing directions to the provincial Governments to
adopt special measures to supply our intellectual needs.

So different in many respects are our

educational wants from those of the rest of the popula-
tion of India, that the best measures which the
Government can adopt, consistently with its policy,
must still be inadequate; and even if it were not op-
posed to the wise policy of Government to interfere in
matters of religion, it would be beyond its powers to
remove difficulties which owe their strength to religious
ideas, and will only yield to theological discussion.
The Government could neither introduce a system of
religious instruction, nor could it direct its efforts to-
wards contending with the prejudices of a race by
whom religion is regarded not merely as a matter of
abstract belief, but also as the ultimate guide in the
most ordinary secular concerns of life. The treatment
which the question of Mohammedan education has in
this respect received at the hands of the Government,
is fully appreciated by us, and leaves no room for any
kind of dissatisfaction or complaint.

Recognising the difficulties which had thus prevented
the Government educational system from fully exercis-
ing its beneficial effects upon the intellectual and moral
condition of our community, a few of its more advanced
members determined to establish a college upon prin-
ciples which should meet the wishes and supply the
educational wants of the members of our faith. The

The Address Continued.

*75

Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College Fund Committee
was accordingly formed to carry out this object. Their
endeavours had -at first to encounter a very formidable
opposition from the bulk of the Mussulman community
— ^an opposition due to the same causes that had kept
Mohammedans away from the Government colleges and
schools throughout the country. The opposition, jat one
time so dangerous, is gradually dying away, and the
promoters of the scheme may well be proud that their
endeavours have reached the stage at which your Excel-
lency finds them to-day. Trusting to that sympathy
which, in a well-governed country, must alwavs exist
between the dominant race and those over whom they
bear rule, the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College
Fund Committee determined to invite subscriptions
from the English community as well as from the mem-
bers of their own faith. Nor did the Committee omit
to ask the aid of their Hindu fellow-countrjrmen; for
they felt that neither race nor creed would, with rightly
thinking men, stand in the way of support to an under-
taking such as theirs. Their expectations have in both
cases been amply justified.

Foremost among them stands your Excellency’s pre-
decessor, Lord Northbrook, whose handsome donation
of Rs. 10,000 has, by his desire, been devoted to the
founding of scholarships which will be called after his
name — ^a name the Mussulmans of India have good
reason to hold in high honour.

Sir William Muir, K.C.S.I., whom the people of this
country will long remember for his interest in every-
thing connected with education, showed his warm sym-
pathy with this project, not only by his personal liberal-
ity, but by granting us, when Lieutenant-Governor of
these provinces, the spacious grounds on which the
buildings of this college will stand. These grounds will
be laid out as a park, which, in token of the gratitude
we justly owe to Sir W. Muir, will be called after his
name.

To Sir John Strachey, K.C.S.I., late Lieutenant-
Governor of these provinces, no less a measure of our
thanks is due. At a time when the Committee stood in
urgent need of help — ^when its endeavours were most in
danger from the opposition of those who, having in-
fluence in the country, would have used it against us

176

Syed Ahmed Khan,

without pausing to consider the importance of the effort
being made — he not only helped us munificently from
his own purse, but also made us a special grant from
the money annually allotted by Government to the de-
partment of Public Instruction. This timely assistance
has enabled the Committee to open the school depart-
ment, the classes in which are gradually working up to
the course laid down for the college. But what the
Committee values most is the genuine sympathy which
he has shown towards our endeavours, and the out-
spoken manner in which he has countenanced our
schemes. That there may be some record, however
insufficient, of our feelings of deep respect and affection
towards one who has deserved so well of us, the central
hall of the college buildings will receive the name of
the “ Strachey Hall.”

To your Excellency we find it difficult to express in
fitting terms the loyal gratitude with which we regard
the honour you to-day confer upon us by condescending
to grace a ceremony which has drawn together so large
a number of our countrymen from all parts of India.
To preserve the memory of an act so indicative of that
true interest in the w’elfare of her Imperial Majesty’s
Indian subjects which has characterised your Excel-
lency’s administration, we have, by your Excellency’s
gracious permission, determined to call the library of
the college after your Excellency’s name; and we enter-
tain a sincere hope that the building will not be un-
worthy of the honour which it thus receives.

Conspicuous amongst those who, without having any
especial connection with this country, have taken an
interest in our labours and supported them by their
generosity, is the name of Lord Stanley of Alderley.
To him and to our other friends in England, the foun-
ders of this college would tender their warmest thanks.
The record of their goodwill preserved in the archives
of this college will, in after-ages, serve to show that
the generous sympathy of a warm-hearted nation was
not grudged to the Mussulmans of India when making
an independent effort to raise themselves in the intel-
lectual scale.

To our Hindu friends also our thanks are largely
due. Foremost among them is the name, remembered
by us with no less sorrow than gratitude, of his High-

The Report of the Committee.

177

ness Sir Maharao Rajah Mohandar Singh, Mohandar
Bahadoor, G.C.S.I., the late Maharajah of Patialla,
whose munificent contributions to the college s^mount
to no less than Rs. 58,000. Their Highnesses the
Maharajah of Vizianagram, K.C.S.I., and the Mahara-
jah of Benares, head the list, which includes the names
of many liberal-minded Hindu gentlemen, whose
philanthropy forbids them to recognise distinctions of
race and creed. In their large-hearted public spirit we
see the germs of that true toleration and genuine sym-
pathy which are the direct result of peace and good
government.

At the enthusiastic response which the members of
our faith have made to the appeal of the Committee, all
true friends of India will, w'e are sure, rejoice. The
countenance shown to the scheme by his Excellency
Sir Salar Jang, G.C.S.I., and through him by the
Government of his Highness the Nizam, has added
gratitude to those feelings of sincere respect and true
admiration with which his enlightened efforts on behalf
of civilisation have alw’ays been regarded by the people
of this country, and which make him an illustrious
ornament of the nobility of India. His Excellency’s
sympathy with our efforts, and his acceptance of the
ollicc of visitor of the college, have conferred on our
humble endeavours a prestige which must make Eng-
lish education attractive to the highest classes of our
countrymen. As a mark of our gratitude to his High-
ness the Nizam of Hyderabad, who has endowed the
college with the princely sum of Rs. 90,000, the Com-
mittee has determined to call the museum of the college
after his Highness’s name.

With similar feelings of grateful pride we would
mention the name of his Highness Nawab Mohammud
Kalb Ali Khan, Bahadoor, G.C.S.I., Nawab of Rampur,
who, as patron of the Committee, is closely concerned
with our labours, and whose generosity has t^en most
liberally extended to our scheme. His Highness’s
unavoidable absence on the present occasion is the only
circumstance which mars our otherwise unalloyed
pleasure.

The Committee has further to express its best thanks
to Khalifa Syed Mohammud Hassan Khan, Bahadoor,

L

17^ Syed Ahmed Khan,

of Patialla, whose enlightened zeal has largely con-
tributed to our success.

Nor should the names be forgotten of Nawab Faiz
Ali Khan, Bahadoor, K.C.S.I., of Pahasu; Kanwar
Mohammud Lutf Ali Khan, of Chhatari; Rajah Syed
Bakar Ali Khan, of Pindrawal; Khwaja Ahsanullah,
Khan Bahadoor, of Dacca; and Mohammud Inayatoolla
Khan, of Bhikampur, — ^all of whom have shown a warm
appreciation of the objects of the Committee, and a
generosity worthy of the importance of the movement.

The college, of which your Excellency is about to
lay the foundation-stone, differs in many important
respects from all other educational institutions which
this country has seen. There have before been schools
and colleges founded and endowed by private indi-
viduals. There have been others built by sovereigns
and supported by the revenues of the State. But this
is the first time in the history of the Mohammedans of
India that a college owes its establishment, not to the
charity or love of learning of an individual, not to the
splendid patronage of a monarch, but to the combined
wishes and the united efforts of a whole community.
It has its origin in causes which the history of this
country has never witnessed before. It is based upon
principles of toleration and progress such as find no
parallel in the annals of the East. The British rule in
India is the most wonderful phenomenon the world has
ever seen. That a race living in a distant region,
differing from us in language, in manners, in religion —
in short, in all that distinguishes the inhabitants of one
country from those of another — should triumph over
the barriers which nature has placed in its way, and
unite under one sceptre the various peoples of this vast
continent, is in itself wonderful enough. But that they,
who have thus become the masters of the soil, should
rule its inhabitants, not with those feelings and motives
which inspired the conquerors of the ancient world, but
should make it the first principle of their government
to advance the happiness of the millions of a subject
race, by establishing peace, by administering justice,
by spreading education, by introducing the comforts
of life which modern civilisation has bestowed upon
mankind, is to us manifestation of the hand of Provi-
dence, and an assurance of long life to the union of

The Report Continued.

179

India with England. To make these facts clear to the
minds of our countrymen; to educate them, so that they
may be able to appreciate these blessings; to dispel
those illusory traditions of the past which have hindered
our progress; to remove those prejudices which have
hitherto exercised a baneful influence on our race; to
reconcile oriental learning with Western literature and
science; to inspire in the dreamy minds of the people of
the East the practical energy which belongs to those
of the West; to make the Mussulmans of India worthy
and useful subjects of the British Crown; to inspire
in them that loyalty which springs, not from servile
submission to a foreign rule, but from genuine appre-
ciation of the blessings of good government, — these are
the objects which the founders of the college have
prominently in view. And looking at the difficulties
which stood in our way, and the success which has
already been achieved, we do not doubt that we shall
continue to receive, even in larger measure, both from
the English Government and from our own countrymen,
that liberal support which has furthered our scheme, so
that from the seed which we sow to-day there may
spring up a mighty tree, whose branches, like those
of the banyan of the soil, shall in their turn strike firm
roots into the earth, and themselves send forth new and
vigorous saplings ; that this college may expand into a
university, whose sons shall go forth throughout the
length and breadth of the land to preach the gospel of
free inquiry, of large-hearted toleration, and of pure
morality.

And now, before asking your Excellency to lay the
foundation-stone of the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental
College, we cannot refrain from expressing a feeling
which, we are sure, fills the bosoms not only of those
here present, but of the whole Mussulman community —
the feeling of pride that the laying of the foundation-
stone of a Mohammedan College should be the first
public ceremony in which the Viceroy and Governor-
General of India, as the representative of that august
Sovereign whose reign has added to the welfare of
millions, has taken part since the assumption by her
Imperial Majesty of her title of Empress of India.
And allied to this sentiment, to which the oriental mind
attaches no small importance, is one which we shall

i8o Syed Ahmed Khan.

ever cherish — ^the feeling of deep and grateful satisfac-
tion that the foundation-stone of the first national insti-
tution for the propagation of learning among the
Mussulmans of India was laid by one to whom literature
is an inheritance, and whose name is illustrious alike
in the world of letters and in that of politics.

Signed on behalf of the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental
College Fund Committee by

Lutf Ali Khan, President.

Syed Bakar Ali Khan, Vice-President.

Syed Ahmed, Honorary Secretary.

Allygurh, the 8 th January 1877.

His Excellency listened very attentively to the
address, and expressed his assent with the more forcibly
stated opinions in an unmistakable way. Lord Lytton
in return made the following response : —

Gentlemen, — I cannot doubt that the ceremony on
behalf of which we are now assembled, constitutes an
epoch in the social progress of India under British rule,
which is no less creditable to the past than pregnant
with promise for the future. In this belief I rejoice
that I have been able to take part in it ; and I cordially
reciprocate the sentiments expressed in the address with
which you have greeted me. Your regretful acknow-
ledgment of the peculiar difficulties which have hitherto
beset the progress of modern education among the
Mohammedan community in India attests the sincerity,
and enhances the value of your welcome assurance that
this important community is now resolved to rely mainly
on its own efforts for the gradual removal of those diffi-
culties. The well-known vigour of the Mohammedan
character guarantees the ultimate success of your
exertions, if they be fairly and firmly devoted to the
attainment of this object. I need not remind you,
gentlemen, of the old story of the man who prayed to
Hercules to help his cart out of the rut. It was not till
he put his own shoulder to the wheel that his prayer
was granted. 1 congratulate you on the vigour with
which you are putting your shoulder to the wheel.
Only give to this institution the means of adequately
satisfying the requirements of the modern system of
education, and you will thereby have given it also a just

The Viceroy Replies, i8i

and recognised claim to such assistance as it may, from
time to time, be in the power of Government to extend
to voluntary efforts on behalf of such education. This
I promise you ; and I promise it the more willingly,
because the whole tone of your address assures me that
my promise, instead of inducing you to relax the efforts
you are now making, will encourage your perseverance
in the prosecution and extension of them. You have
observed, in the course of the address, that by the
Mohammedan race its religion is regarded “ not merely
as a matter of abstract belief, but also as the ultimate
guide in the most secular concerns of life.** Gentle-
men, I conceive this to be the true spirit of all sincere
religious belief ; for the guidance of human conduct *in
relation to all the duties of life is the proposed object of
every religion, whatever the name and whatever the
form of it. But you will, I am sure, be the last to
admit that anything in the creed of Islam is incom-
patible with the highest forms of intellectual culture.
The greatest and most enduring conquests of the
Mohammedan races have all been achieved in the fields
of science, literature, and art. Not only have they
given to a great portion of this continent an architecture
which is still the wonder and admiration of the world,
but in an age when the Christian societies of Europe
had barely emerged out of intellectual darkness and
social barbarism, they covered the whole Iberian
Peninsula with schools of medicine, of mathematics, and
philosophy, far in advance of all contemporary science ;
and to this day the populations of Spain and Portugal,
for their very sustenance, are mainly dependent on the
past labours of Moorish engineers. But Providence
has not confided to any single race a permanent initia-
tive in the direction of human thought or the develop-
ment of social life. The modern culture of the West is
now in a position to repay the great debt owed by «t to
the early wisdom of the East. It is to the activity of
Western ideas, and the application of Western science,
that we must now look for the social and political
progress of this Indian empire ; and it is in the absorp-
tion of those ideas and the mastery of that science, that
I exhort the Mohammedans of India to seek and find
new fields of conquest, and fresh opportunities for the
achievements of a noble ambition. Gentlemen, when

i 82

Syed Ahmed Khan,

the printing-press was first discovered, a certain monk
predicted that unless that dangerous innovation were
immediately suppressed, it would soon put an end to
the power of every Government. “ Because,” he said,
” so much lead would be used up in the making of
type, that none would be left for the making of
bullets.” That prediction, as we all know, has not
been verified. Governments still find k necessary to
make bullets, and still find lead enough to make them.
But for the maintenance of that dominion to which the
British Government most aspires, the printing-press is
an instrument quite as powerful as the cannon. Allow
me therefore to indicate, in passing, one special reason
for the satisfaction with which I welcome the establish-
ment of this college. There is no object which the
Government of India has more closely at heart than
that the plain principles of its rule should be thoroughly
intelligible to all its subjects, from the highest to the
humblest. But for my own part, I cannot anticipate
the complete attainment of this object until the
precepts of English polity have been translated, not
only into vernacular forms of speech, but also into
vernacular forms of thought. For such an under-
taking it is obvious that a body of cultivated natives is
better fitted than twice the number of English officials,
or twenty times the number of European scholars ; and
I can truly say that those who succeed in such an
undertaking will have thereby rendered not only to the
Government, but also to all their countrymen, a service
that cannot be too highly appreciated. Therefore,
whilst warmly sympathising with you in my apprecia-
tion of the difficulties you have encountered, and thus
far successfully overcome, and whilst cordially congra-
tulating you on the success with which you have over-
come them, I welcome that success, not for your sakes
only, but for the sake of the whole empire — ^trusting it
niay prove a salutary incentive to similar efforts in other
directions for the general diffusion, not merely of intel-
lectual culture, but of what is still more important, the
appreciation of intellectual culture throughout India.
You have referred to the exertions made by Govern-
ment to stimulate such voluntary^ efforts. I am glad to
recognise in the creation of this institution a proof that
the exertions have not been in vain ; but I need hardly

The Reply Continued.

*83

remind you that neither in the matter of education, nor
anything else, can the Government undertake to provide
an artificial supply for which there is no national
demand. Your address has rightly given prominent
notice to the assistance you have received in the promo-
tion of this college from many influential personages not
within the pale of your community. The fact is full
of promise and encouragement, for it indicates that
others as well as yourselves are alive to the importance
of the cause you represent, and recognise in the attain-
ment of the objects you have set before you a general
benefit confined to no class or creed of the community.
In graceful recognition of the sympathy and aid
received from those whose race and religion differ from
your own, you have resolved to associate with the
endowment and construction of your college the names
of some of its most eminent benefactors. You could
not have selected names more worthy of such lasting
recognition than those of my distinguished predecessor.
Lord Northbrook, and my valued colleagues. Sir
William Muir and Sir John Strachey — statesmen whose
sympathies have always been in accordance with the
object you have at heart, and whose labours have done
so much to render possible the attainment of it. It is
with great pleasure that I accept your flattering offer to
associate my own name with names already so illus-
trious. A library is the best society to which any man
could be admitted ; for it is an assemblage of the
world’s greatest benefactors — the wise and good of all
ages : hie vivant vivere digni — here live those who are
worthy to live ; and I esteem it a privilege to lay the
foundation of a building under whose sheltering roof
the number of such worthies is likely to increase. In
doing so I heartily wish God-speed to yourselves, your
college, and your cause.

His Excellency then proceeded to the end of the
shamiana and formally laid the foundation-stone, which
was lowered to its proper position under the direction
of Mr. Noyes, executive engineer. A bottle containing
scrolls and coins was deposited in a cavity of the
foundation, and a metal plate with a suitable inscrip-
tion was placed over this. The stone having: been
proved to be correctly laid, the Viceroy tapped it three
times with a mallet and said, “ ! declare this stone to be

x 84 Syed Ahmed Khan.

well and truly laid.** Hr then returned to his seat, and
Khan Bahadoor Mohammed Hyat Khan said that, on
behalf of the Fund Committee and of the Mohammedan
community at large, he had to thank his Excellency for
the great honour he had conferred upon them that day
in laying the foundation-stone of the college. He had
also to express the extreme feeling of grateful pleasure
with which they had rcgardt^d the presence of Lady
Lytton. They were now assured of the interest her
ladyship was pleased to take in their labours.

In the evening a public dinner was given by the
members of the College Fund Committee at the Ally-
gurh Institute, to which some sixty guests were invited.
The company included about an equal number of
Mohammedans and Europeans. Kanwar Lutf Ali Khan
presided, and the vice-chair was occupied by Rajah
Syed Bakar Ali Khan. Syed Ahmed Khan and Khan
Bahadoor Mohammed Hyat were also present.

The first toast was ** The Empress of India and the
prosperity of the British rule in India.** This was
proposed by Mr. Syed Mahmud on behalf of the presi-
dent of the Committee, and in the course of his speech
he said that of course in a country so far distant from
England as was India, the imagination of the people in
regard to their monarch could assume no very definite
shape. But still there were many reasons why those
who had never seen their Empress should regard her
with feelings of affection equal to that experienced by
those who had seen her over and over again. To them
the Empress of India appeared through the w'onderful
management and good government which had made
the country prosperous, and had restored to it that
peace and happiness which had been unknown for
centuries. With respect to the latter part of the toast,
to the Mohammedan mind the British rule in India and
the person of the Empress of India were one and the
same thing. They had been accustomed for a lonp^ time
to live as a subject race. Ever since the beginning of
the English rule, the people of India, and especially the
Mohammedan community, had been unable to take
that part in the social intercourse with English gentle-
men which they ought certainly to have taken. There
had been numerous causes which had led to this unsatis-
factory state of affairs, and in the course of continual

The Queen's Health.

*85

discussions he had heard it repeatedly said that the
reason why there was so little intercourse between the
two races was that the Engflish people were too exclu-
sive in their ideas. He had also heard it stated by his
English friends that the natives of India had prejudices
and feelings which prevented them joining in social
intercourse with the English. He for his own part
looked upon the unsatisfactory state of things as due to
the absence of proper education in the Mohammedan
community. Of course the main object of the college
of which the foundation-stone had just been laid, was
to remove this unsatisfactory condition of affairs ; and
the Viceroy himself had said, that in trying to remove
this they were removing the great obstacle to inter-
national intercourse between Englishmen and the
Mussulman community. He (Mr. Syed Mahmud) was
perfectly certain that, however small might be the
intercourse at present, there were many men, both in
the English and Mohammedan communities in India,
who looked upon each other in the light of fellow-
subjects — who did not consider the one as ruled and the
other as ruler. He was confident that the bond of
being subject to the same monarch, of being governed
by the same laws, of living under the same rules of
social life — because laws did govern social life — exer-
cised a much greater power than the mere personal
conduct of individuals of both races. However inade-
quately he had expressed the feelings which filled the
hearts of his friends the members of the Committee,
and especially of the president, he sincerely hoped that
the toast would be drunk with as great enthusiasm by
the Englishmen present as it would be by the Moham-
medans. He coupled with it the name of Mr. Chase.
The toast was drunk with enthusiastic loyalty, and Mr.
Chase briefly replied. He said that he had been many
years in India, not merely in times of peace, but on
occasions of great excitement, and he had known their
Mohammedan friends risk their all, even lives, for the
good order and prosperity of the country. He had no
hesitation in saying that no hearts more loyal to their
Empress and more honest in their desire for the welfare
of their fellow-men existed than those which beat in the
breasts of the Mussulman friends around them. He
had to propose that they should drink “ Prosperity to

i86

Syed Ahmed Khan.

the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College,” coupled
with the names of the president and the members of
the Fund Committee.

The toast was honoured, and Mr. Syed Mahmud
again responded, apologising for a second address on
the ground that the president could not speak English.
He observed that the new college owed its origin
entirely to the endeavours of a few enlightened Mussul-
mans, who had taken special care and trouble to study
not only the present politics of the country, but also the
past history of the empire. They had known, as indeed
every Mohammedan of observation must know, that at
the time when the greatest of Indian monarchs ruled at
Delhi — when his court was renowned all over the world
for its magnificence — when Jehangir was called the
Just, and Shahjahan the Magnificent, and when Akbar
was called the Great, — the best of good government
was nothing compared with the present state of things
in India. They were aware that it was entirely due to
the peace which the English nation had established in
India, to the civilised means of travelling which machi-
nery had introduced into the country, to the warm
sympathy of those who held the reins of government,
that success had been attained. The Committee felt,
and all who were interested in the college shared their
feelings, that the present movement among their body
was really due to the same feelings which inspired the
same advanced classes in England. On behalf of the
Committee, of which he w'as a member, he had to offer
the guests present most sincere thanks, and he had also
to propose the toast of their healths. In doing so, he
wished to give expression to the feeling of gratitude and
friendship which he and his brother Mohammedans felt
towards them. Their presence there that night meant
more than joining merely in a social gathering. It
meant that such of the English gentlemen as had been
able to spare time to attend that meeting were fully
aware of the object the Committee had in view, and
were ready to give their help so far as lay in their
power, and to be associated with them in their efforts to
achieve success. He therefore proposed the health of
the guests, coupled with the name of Mr. Keene.

The toast was drunk by the Mohammedans present ;
and Mr. Keene, in responding, expressed on behalf of

The Syeds Reply,

187

his fellow-guests his appreciation, not merely of the
honour which had been done them by his learned friend
Mr. Syed Mahmud, but of the measure of hospitality
and courtesy with which they had been received that
evening. There was one duty which he had to perform,
and he felt that he must not shrink from it, however
desirous he might be of resuming his seat. In drawing
attention to the eminent services which had been
rendered to society by Syed Ahmed Khan, he had the
advantage which was due to a tolerably long acquaint-
ance with the worthy Syed. It was now nearly twelve
years since that he had the honour of being associated
with that gentleman in the administration of justice in
that very district, and lie should not forget the assi-
duity, fidelity, and intelligence with which he had dis-
charged his duties. Syed Ahmed’s breadth of view and
large-hearted charity were well known, and he (Mr.
Keene) had sincere pleasure in seeing him gather the
first-fruits of his harvest. A man with such a mind as
he possessed was very likely to move the world. For
that reason he believed that the very well-ordered cere-
mony they had that day witnessed was not merely the
foundation of a school, but marked an epoch in the
history of the country. After the Viceroy’s graceful
reply he did not feel justified in saying much upon the
subject ; but this he must say, that what they had seen
was as likely, as far as anything human could be pre-
dicted, to form the germ of a very wide and important
movement that would live in history, and with it would
live the name of the good and excellent man to whose
unceasing devotion and labours it was indebted for its
origin.

Syed Ahmed Khan, in reply, said : The enthusiam
with which you have drunk my health fills me with
feelings of a mixed nature. I feel obliged to you for
the great honour you have done me — I feel sincerely
happy that the events of to-day have passed off well ;
but along with these feelings there is a consciousness
that I am neither worthy of the honour you have done
me, nor that the success which the Mohammedan
Anglo-Oriental College has hitherto secured is due to
my exertions to the extent you imagine. But, gentle-
men, there is one thing which I admit sincerely and
without any hesitation, and that is, that the college of

i88

Syed Ahmed Khan.

which the foundation-stone has been laid to-day has
been for many years the main object of my life. Ever
since I first began to think of social questions in British
India, it struck me with peculiar force that there was a
want of genuine sympathy and community of feeling
between the two races whom Providence has placed in
such close relation in this country. I often asked
myself how it was that a century of English rule had
not brought the natives of this country closer to those
in whose hands Providence had placed the guidance of
public affairs. For a whole century and more, you,
gentlemen, have lived in the same country in which we
have lived ; you have breathed the same air ; you have
drunk the same water ; you have lived upon the same
crops as have given nourishment to millions of your
Indian fellow-subjects ; yet the absence of social inter-
course, which is implied by the word friendship,
between the English and the natives of this country,
has been most deplorable. And whenever I have con-
sidered the causes to which this unsatisfactory state of
things is due, I have invariably come to the conclusion
that the absence of community of feeling between the
two races was due to the absence of the community of
ideas and the community of interests. And, gentle-
men, I felt equally certain that, so long as this state of
things continued, the Mussulmans of India could make
no progress under the English rule. It then appeared
to me that nothing could remove these obstacles to
progress but education : and education, in its fullest
sense, has been the object in furthering which I have
spent the most earnest moments of my life, and
employed the best energies that lay within my humble
power. Yes, the college is an outcome to a certain
extent of my humble efforts, but there are other hands
whose assistance has not onlv been most valuable, but
absolutely essential to the success of the undertaking ;
and I feel sure that the honour of the success is due to
them rather than to me. But, gentlemen, the personal
honour which you have done me to-night assures me of
a great fact, and fills me with feelings of a much higher
nature than mere personal gratitude. I am assured
that you, who upon this occasion represent the British
rule, have sympathies with our labours ; and to me this
assurance is very valuable, and a source of great happi-

The Reply Continued.

189

ness. At my time of life it is a great comfort to me to
feel that the undertaking which has been for many
years, and is now the sole object of my life, has roused
on one hand the energies of my own countrymen, and
on the other it has won the sympathy of our British
fellow-subjects and the support of our rulers ; so that
when the few years 1 may still be spared are over, and
when 1 shall be no longer amongst you, the college will
still prosper, and succeed in educating my countrymen
to have the same affection for their country, the same
feelings of loyalty for the British rule, the same appre-
ciation of its blessings, the same sincerity of friendship
with out British fellow-subjects, as have been the ruling
feelings of my life. Gentlemen, I thank you again for
the honour you have done me, and sincerely reciprocate
the good wishes you have so kindly express^ this
evening.

190

CHAPTER XIV. ^

THE HISTORY OF THE COLLEGE CONTINUED — REPORTS OF THE

COLLEGE THE VISIT OF THE AMEER OF AFGHANISTAN

HIS TRENCHANT REMARKS HIS STRONG WORDS OF

ADVICE AND CAUTION.

The following interesting account of the institution of
a Fellow’s table at the College was given by the
“ Allygurh Institute Gazette ” : —

On Tuesday, March 2nd, 1886, a new feature was
introduced into the Mahommedan College, Allygurh,
namely, the institution of a Fellows’ table. At this
table, the Professors of the College, English and
Mussulman, will dine together in the College dining-
room, while the students dine at another table. At the
same time no wine is allowed in the College dining-
room. At the opening dinner, besides the Professors,
there were present some members of the Committee,
and Lieutenant-Colonel Graham, the old friend and
fellow-worker with Syed Ahmed Khan. After dinner
Mr. Beck proposed the toast ** Success to the College,’*
and with it coupled the name of the Honourable Syed
Ahmed Khan, and said : —

Gentlemen, the toast 1 have to propose will, I am
sure, be received with feelings so enthusiastic that the
imperfections of my speech will be forgotten. I beg to
propose the toast of the College, and to couple with
It the name of the Honourable Syed Ahmed Khan

Institution of a Fellow^ Table, 19 1

(cheers). You are well aware of the reason for which
we have met here to-day — to inaugurate a Fellows’
table in the College. It was one of my first wishes on
coming to the College to see this institution set on
foot, and to see the good English fashion of the
Professors and teachers dining in hall with the students.

1 believe it imparts a feeling of solidarity to the institu-
tion. P'or we are an institution which cultivates not
only the intellect but the sentiments. We make a
demand on the affections of the people who come to
reside in the College grounds. Twenty years ago the
state of Mahommedan feeling as to dining with
Englishmen was such that to-day’s ceremony could not
have taken place. By our Syed Sahib’s labours this
unsociable prejudice has been slackened, and we hope
will soon altogether disappear. I suppose ours is the
only College in India where an institution like this could
exist. We take as our model the Universities of Cam-
bridge and Oxford ; and more particularly the University
of Cambridge, of which five of us here to-day are
graduates. Since I have come here one other charac-
teristic Cambridge institution has been introduced and
is flourishing ; I mean the Union Club. Gentlemen, I
beg to propose the toast of the Mohammedan Anglo-
Oriental College and the Honourable Syed Ahmed
Khan.

The toast was drunk with enthusiasm and loud
cheers.

Syed Ahmed Khan w’armly thanked Mr. Beck for the
kind expressions with which he coupled his name with
the toast of the College and those who heartily drank it,
and proposed Mr. Beck’s health with the following
remarks : —

“ No doubt I want a principal for the M.A.O.
College ; but not a man who comes here only for
salary. I require a man who comes for the sake of
education ; not a man who would teach some barbarian
boys as a tutor of monkeys, but a man who would
teach our boys the lessons of good morals and social
progress ; not one who would only teach them modern
science and literature, but one who would help the
nation which was once the most famous in the whole
world, but now have lost their position. I am very
happy that I got for principal our friend Mr. Beck as

192

Syed Ahmed Khan.

I wanted. Now, my friends, I ask you to fill up your
glasses with wine, not drinking wine, for by * wine * I
mean the wine of love, and drink the health of Mr.
Beck.’*

This toast was warmly drunk with cheers.

After Mr. Beck’s reply, Mr. Syed Mahmud rose and
proposed the health of Colonel Graham. He said : —
“ Twenty years ago the Mahommedan community
looked on education not as a means of improving their
future welfare, but as a curse which would bring them
to future ruin. My father then stood alone. No
Englishman understood the significance of his move*
ment or came forward to help him, with one exception.
That exception was Colonel Graham. He came
forward to my father with a young and generous heart
such as England can produce. It is for this reason
that 1 feel moved to enthusiasm in speaking to-night.
I say that whenever you meet with an Englishman of
generous heart, whose face glows with genuine enthu-
siasm for the good of his fellow-beings, then value him
as my father valCies Colonel Graham. For they have
always been as friends working hand in hand together.
And then you need not be surprised that I feel some
emotion in proposing Colonel Graham’s health. How-
ever great the pleasure that may have been created in
my father’s heart to-night in seeing his early hopes
take this concrete shape, in seeing so many students of
the Mohammedan race joined together in fellowship and
free communion with Englishmen, equally great is the
pleasure of being able to take part in this gathering, for
it is from free intercourse between the two races that
the hope for India arises. We cannot dispense with
the English sense of honour and English sense of duty.
As regards education, I believe its progress is great
according as Government aid is small. As far as I am
concerned, it has been a sort of day-dream of my life
that the most useful way in which intellectual energy
can be spent in India is, for a man who has been in
other countries and watched the progress of other
nations, to come back to his own country and devote
himself to promote the education of his own country-
men. I will not say when, but I will say that I look
forward to the time when I may be living among you
as one of you, and helping in the practical work of

Institution of a Fettows' Table.

193

education. It will, therefore, always be a pleasure to
me to look back upon this day, and to remember that
this day we had Colonel Graham among us. For so
long as my father's name shall be known in India and
remembered by his countrymen so long will the name
of Colonel Graham be known and honoured by the
Mahommedans of this Empire.**

Colonel Graham's health was then drunk with great
enthusiasm, and Syed Ahmed Khan recited some Arabic
verses which had been composed in honour of Colonel
Graham.

Colonel Graham, in reply, said : Mr. Syed Mahipud
and Gentlemen, — I have never been a High Court
Judge, 1 have never been a barrister, and 1 have not
spoken in public for twenty-two years. The last time
that I made a speech was on the occasion of the
opening of the Scientific Society at Ghazipur, in
January, 1864, and therefore, when Mr. Mahmud told
me a short time ago, before coming here, that he
was going to propose my health this evening, I
assure you I felt positively nervous, and I told him
that unless I was allowed to put down some notes
and look at them occasionally 1 should cut but a
sorry figure. He said: “ It is a free country, do what
you like" (cheers). I did what I liked (cheers, and great
laughter). I have to thank my old friend, Mr. Syed
Mahmud, for the very kind terms in which he has
alluded to me in his speech, and you, gentlemen, for
the very kind manner with which you have rciceived
the toast. I must, however, be permitted to say that I
cannot endorse all the encomia of myself which he has
showered upon me, actuated thereto, as 1 cannot help
thinking, by the friendship between us that commenced
when he was a little boy in petticoats and I was a
young lieutenant of seven years’ standing. I may here
tell you, gentlemen, that I this afternoon, whilst looking
over Mr. Mahmud's photograph book, came upon his
photograph, taken when I first met him, and this,
gentlemen, is as he appeared then (great laughter). I
little thought then that my boy friend would devclope
into the learned High Court Judge, or that, twenty-
three years afterwards, he would propose my health
to-night in such a splendid pile of buildings erected by
my dear and honoured friend, his father, and on such a

M

194

Syed Ahmed Khan.

happy occasion as the present. I will now, as it is a
free country, proceed to look at my notes, but as I find
I have not brought my spectacles they will not be of
much use to me (great laughter). When Syed Mahmud
and 1 tirst met there was no idea that this College
w'ould ever come into existence. It is almost exactly
twenty years ago that I happened to stay with Syed
Ahmed Khan here en route to Ajmere to take up the
appointment of second in command of the Mairwara
Battalion, and at that time the idea even of such a
College had not dawned on the mind of its founder.
Since then he has fought an uphill fight, one man against
millions, flouted at and scouted by almost the entire
Mahommcdan community in India. He has now
conquered, and his former enemies are to a large extent
his enthusiastic friends. Gentlemen, as we are now
due in another place, i.e,, the Debating Hall, I will not,
even if I could, delay you any longer. I can only
repeat that I have to thank Mr. Mahmud and yourselves
most warmly for the great honour you have done me.

The following is the annual report of the College,
1893 — 1894, and will prove of interest : —

I'he College appears to be doing well. In the
annual report of 1893 — 4 (Public Instruction) it is
Slated that the average enrolment -of students was as
follows : — 1891, 102; 1892, 96; 1893, *03 i 1894,

122 In 1895 — Mr. Beck, the able and popular Prin-
cipal of the College, wrote : — “ A new era is opening
b,-‘fore the University, which is beginning gradually
move in the direction of the English Universities of
Oxford and Combridgc.” In athletics in 1894 — 5, the
College did well, as at the inter-College tournament
heid at Allahabad, that year its students won 7 out of
ci first prizes, and the same number of second prizes,
or a total of 14 out of 18. I have not been able to get
the reports of 1895 — 1896—7, or 1897 — 8, no
report having been received from the College Principal
by the head of the Department in 1897 — 8. In the

report of 1899 — 00, the head of the Department
wrme : — “ Tt is satisfactory to notice that, despite the
losses suffered by the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental
C 'allege, Allygurh, in consequence of the deaths of Sir

Reports oj the College,

*95

Syed Ahmed* and Mr. Beck, the average enrolment has
increased by 34. The Principal refers to the work done
by the late Mr. Beck, whose untimely death, following
close upon that of Sir Syed Ahmed, might have been
fatal to the prosperity of the College. Mr. Beck’s
varied abilities, his singleness of purpose and his
genuine sympathy with all honest educational effort had
won for him the esteem, not only of the Mohammedan
community, but of all who had the good fortune to
know him. It is satisfactory to know that, notwith-
standing the great loss which it has suffered, the Col-
lege for which he worked so strenuously has made
good progress during the year. His successor, Mr.
Morison, reports, that materially it is this year stronger
than it has ever been before; its finances have never
been so prosperous, nor have there ever been so many
Mohammedans students within its walls.” Morally,
says the Principal, it is gaining in the esteem of the
Mussulman community; sympathy with its methods and
aims is spreading to ever widening circles; and as some
of the asperities of theological controversy have been
softened, it is grow’ing day by day more truly the hope
and pride of the Mussulmans of Northern India.

The progress of the College between the years 1899
and 1903 is thus given in the official Government
report : “ The highest number of students during the
time of the late Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Bahadur, was
565, of which 329 w'ere boarders. This was in 1895.
After this the numbers commenced decreasing, and on
the 31st March, 1898, four days after Sir Syed’s death,
there were only 343 students on the roll, of which 234
were boarders. Two months after, there was a further
decrease of 40, but ever since the year 1899, the
numbers have steadily increased, till in 1903, the total
number on the rolls are 703, of which 531 are boarders ;
thus showing that after Sir Syed’s death the total
increase was 360, of which 297 are boarders and
63 day scholars ; and, if more accommodation had been
available the number would have been still higher by
about 100, as for want of room a number of students
were refused admission. It is interesting to note that
the students are not from one province, but come from
* Sir Syed Ahmed died in March, 1898.

196 Syed Ahmed Khan.

every province in India. Mr. L. Tipping writes : ‘ We
have in our boarding houses students from every part
of India. The United Province and the Punjab, of
course, supply the bulk of students ; but we have also
many from the Central Provinces, from Bengal, from
Bombay, from Madras (in increasing numbers), from
Sindh, from Kathiawar, and beyond the borders of
India, from Burmah, from Somaliland, Persia,
Beluchistan, Arabia, Uganda, Mauritius, and Cape
Colony.* There is another matter worthy of being
noted, which is, that our College, though a Moham-
medan College, opens its doors to all castes and
classes. The Hindus have also taken a fair share in
education. ... Of Mohammedans who have graduated
in the various Indian Universities a considerable portion
belong to Allygurh. ... In the five years ending
1903, very great progress has been made in the College
buildings ; four new rooms have been added to the
school ; seven rooms, as also one large hall, to the
Denton Court, thirteen rooms to the Pucca Barracks ;
two large classrooms on either side of the Strachey
Hall have been completed, as also a large portion of
the eastern compound wall. The three domes of the
mosque have been finished, and the MacDonnell
Boarding-house, towards which the Government have
very kindly given Rs. 20,000, has been commenced on,
and the work is being rapidly pushed on towards
completion. Further, the foundation of the Curzon
Hospital, for which a sum of Rs. 18,000 has been laid.”

In the “General Report on Public Instruction” for
the year ending 31st March, 1908, the headmaster of
the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental Collegiate School,
Allygurh, deplores the fact that “ The work in our
school can never be placed on a satisfactory footing
unless this work can be done in a building adapted for
school purposes.” The constant postponement of the
construction of a new building, for which a Government
grant of Rs. 20,000 was given in 1906-7 will lead to
complication within the University and the Department
before long, for the present condition of things is very
unsatisfactory.

With regard to “ Hostels,” the report says : “ The
Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental Collegiate School, as is

Visit of the Ameer,

197

natural at an institution which has been one of the chief
pioneers of the hostel system in these provinces, is
unusually well provided. . . . The so*called

‘ English Boarding House,’ in which a fairly close
approximation to the English boarding school system
has been attained, is an admirable institution and quite
unique.”

C. F. DE LA F*orse, M.S.,

Director of Public Instruction^

United Provinces.

Allahabad^ 20th October y 1908.

With regard to the visit of the Ameer of Afghanistan
to the New College, “ The Daily Telegraph ” said as
follows : —

The one Indian event which at present eclipses all
others in intqrj^t is the Ameer’s tour. His Majesty is
revealing a breadth of view and a keenness of discri-
mination hardly to be looked for in the ruler of a king-
dom hitherto distinguished for its fierce and successful
resistance to Western influence. His visit is, of course,
strictly one of courtesy, and is not directly concerned
with politics. It may be noted, says the ” Pioneer,”
that the exact words used by the Ameer when first
meeting the Viceroy had a significance which was un-
mistakable. Lord Minto expressed pleasure at meeting
him, and the Ameer, speaking in English, said, I
also am very glad to meet you in the country which is
the first friend of my country and myself.” The phrase
“ first friend ” in Persian means closest and highest
friend, in whom absolute confidence is placed in all
circumstances. The use of it by the Ameer in conversa-
tion showed what is his view of the friendship subsist-
ing between the British Government and himself. The
Ameer visited Delhi while the festival of the Bakr-id
was being held. The slaughter of kine by Indian
Mohammedans during that Id has frequently in the
past led to serious trouble with Hindus, and the
Government have had to interfere in order to regulate
the custom. The Mohammedans of Delhi proposed to
slaughter one hundred cows to celebrate the Ameer’s
participation in the festival, but on this becoming
known to his Majesty he immediately expressed his

198 Syed Ahmed Khan.

strong disapproval. He had come to India, he said,^ to
see the country and all its people, without distinction
of race or creed, and he would not countenance any-
thing which might cause strife. He could not command
that no cows should be killed in Delhi, but he suggested
that goats should be substituted, as thus no offence
would be caused to Hindus. Otherwise he would not
participate publicly in the Id. The Mohammedans of
Delhi accepted this suggestion. This consideration for
Hindu feeling on the part of the Ameer should have
a marked effect all over India when it becomes known.

When the Ameer visited the Mohammedan College
at Allygurh he amazed the trustees by arguing with
them on questions of religion. Although good Moham-
medans, the trustees are not priests, and were not a
little disconcerted by the Royal posers. They took him
to the library and showed him copies of the Koran and
various religious works. He exhibited impatience here,
though not unamiably.

“ I came not to see books,” he said; ” I came to
see boys.”

” But this is the Holy Koran,” they pointed out.

” Because your father left a copy of the Rubaiyat on
the family bookshelf are you therefore a Persian poet?”
cried the Ameer. “ I know what is in the pages of
these books. I want to know what is in the minds of
those who read them.”

They understood then, and word went forth in all
directions accordingly. The Ameer listened to lectures
on various subjects, including Mohammedan theology.
It was this that attracted him most. ” May I put one
or two questions to the boys? ” he presently asked.
Assent being readily given, his Majesty plunged for a
solid hour into a spiritual catechism. ” What are the
five duties of a Mohammedan? ” he began, and from
boy to boy he carried his interrogations over the field
of Islamic divinity. The last of the hundred and one
tests was addressed haphazard to a boy who chanced
to be specially qualified to meet it. ** Redte something
from the Holy Koran,” said the Ameer. ”What?”
asked the boy; ” Anything,” the Ameer replied. ** Any-
thing you know by heart.** The boy, an accomplish^
performer, began a sweet, plaintive chant that imme-
diately brought tears to the Ameer’s eyes. As the boy

ytsit of the Aimer.

199

proceeded, big drops coursed down the Ameer’s cheeks.
He moved softly away. Later the Ameer, ascertaining
that there were Shiah Mohammedans as well as Sunni
Mohammedans among the college students, said, “ Let
me see the Shiahs also at their theological studies. I
am a Sunni, but I wish this.” They led the way into
another room, and the Shiah teacher w’as introduced.
“ Teach,” said the Ameer, shortly. The man obeyed.
” Now listen to me, you students,” the Ameer said.
“You are young. Remember my words even when you
are grown old. You have heard people say that the
Ameer of Afghanistan is a Sunni bigot. Because I am
a Sunni must I therefore be a bigot? Let me ask you
a question. You who are Shiahs, do you prefer
Hindus to Sunnis? No. Do you think I who am a
Sunni prefer Hindus to Shiahs? No. Well now, you
have just read in the newspapers that I prohibited the
proposed cow-killing at the Bakr-id at Delhi, out of
consideration for the religious susceptibilities of the
Hindus. If I have that much kindness for the Hindus,
can you believe that I have less kindness for the Shiahs?
I ask you from this time forth not to believe that I am
a Sunni bigot. In Afghanistan I have among my
subjects Sunnis, Shiahs, Hindus, and Jews, and I have
gi\cn to all of them full religious liberty. Is that
bigotry? But this I must add. I can never consent to
allowing the Shiahs to abuse and revile the three
Khalifs. If it is bigotry to interfere with that I am a
bigot”

An immense audience assembled in the Strachey Hall
of the college to hear an address presented to the
Ameer. A Persian copy was read out in a loud voice.
It related the chequered history of the college, and was
inordinately long. Before the end was reached the
Ameer, who was sitting on a silver throne, stopped the
recital, saying bluntly, “I have already read it in
private ; do not waste any more time.*’ Then his
Majesty called up his interpreter, and speaking
loudly in fluent Persian alternately with the inter-
preter, who phrase by phrase rendered the speech
into Urdu, delivered a remarkable oration : “I have
heard many strange things about this college. I
have heard many good things ; I have heard many
bad things. 1 have heard more bad things than

200 Syed Ahmed Khan.

good things. 1 came here to And out the truth for
myself. I never trust reports at second hand. 1 have
to-day searched into the matter thoroughly. What do
1 find as the result of all these laborious investigations?

1 find that those who have maligned this college were
liars. 1 repeat the word, liars. 1 repeat it again,
liars. To Allah 1 offer my deepest thankfulness that
these students are in religion sound and in manners
perfect. Henceforth the man who will be most zealous
to silence the tongues of those who speak ill against
this college will be myself ” (loud cheers, which the
Ameer checked by holding up his hand). “ There is, I
am told, a violent prejudice among many Indian
Mohammedans against that particular kind of educa-
tion which we call European education. What folly is
this. Listen to me. 1 stand here as the advocate of
Western learning. So far from thinking it an evil I
have founded in Afghanistan a college called the
Habibia College, after my own name, where European
education is to be given as far as possible on European
lines. What I do insist on, however, is that religious
education should come first. Religious education is the
foundation on which all other forms of education must
rest. Subject to this condition 1 say again that I am a
sincere friend and well wisher of Eastern education
(loud cheers, during which the interpreter, who had
previously seen the Ameer raise a hand for silence now
did likewise), but the Ameer said, “No; let them
applaud that as much as they like.” His Majesty
announced, in conclusion, that he had decided to endow
the college with an income of Rs.6,ooo (;^ 40 o) per
annum in perpetuity, and to make an immediate cash
present of Rs. 20,000 (;£^if333).

The special correspondent of the “ Civil and Military
Gazette “ telegraphed as follows : When the Ameer
drove away from the grand military review at Agra he
is reported to have delivered himself as follows to some
of his principal Sirdars : “ Look you. You told me
that mine was the finest army in the world. You
assured me that Afghan soldiers greatly excelled the
soldiers of the Indian Empire or the soldiers of the
Russian Empire. You almost persuaded me that my
forces outweighed the Indian and Russian forces com-
bined. What saw you just now? Ha, you are dumb !

l/isit of the Ameer.

dOl

Do Kabul troops look so? Do they march so? Do
they drill so? Do they muster in such like strength?
Yet this is not the army of India. It is not even the
flower of India’s army. It is but a single division out
of nine such. And the whole army of India, I now
learn, is but a fraction of the total military strength of
the British Empire. And the whole army of the British
Empire itself, I further find, is one of the smallest among
the armies of the world’s Great Powers. What? Have
you naught to say? Look to it, I shall require your
answer anon.”

202

CHAPTER XV.

SYED AHMED IX THE VICEREGAL COUNCIL — THE DBKKHAH
AGRICULTURISTS RELIEF BILL EDUCATION COMMIS-
SION VISIT FROM SIR SALAR JANG EDUCATION COM-
MISSION IN THE NORTH-WEST VISIT TO THE PANJAB.

In 1878, Syed Ahmed was, by Lord Lytton, made a
member of the Viceroy’s Council, an appointment which
crowned his long and honourable career. The speech
made by the great Duke of Wellington on the occasion
of the dinner given to Sir John Malcolm by the Board
of Directors, on the occasion of Sir John’s appointment
to the Government of Bombay, by substituting Hindu-
stan for England and Mohammedan for Englishman,
reads thus, and is most applicable to Syed Ahmed’s
appointment to Council : A nomination such as this
operates throughout the length and breadth of Hindu-
stan. The youngest Mohammedan sees in it an
example he may imitate, a success he may attain. The
good which the country derives from the excitement of
such feelings is incalculable.” Syed Ahmed remained
in Council for two years, and was for the second time
appointed by Lord Ripon in 1880. He was thus four
years altogether in Council. Amongst his speeches I
select two, one on the Dekkhan Agriculturists Relief
Bill, and the other on Vaccination : —

Typical Speeches in CuunciL

203

My Lord, — 1 agree with the honourable member in
his motion that the Bill should be referred to a Select
Committee.

It may be accepted as an indisputable principle that
special laws should only be introduced to meet special
cases. The disturbances in the Dekkhan, which have
given rise to this Bill, revealed the existence of con-
siderable distress among the agricultural classes.
When the demand for Indian cotton fell off, the prices
of all agricultural produce fell ; and the fund out of
which the agriculturists had to meet the increased
revenue, and the debts which they had contracted,
became insulhcient for that purpose. Credit could no
longer be procured ; and the raiyats^ whether instigated
by disloyal persons or of their own motion, commenced
to attack and plunder the houses of money-lenders, and
especially of the class of Marwaris, who, being
strangers, were particularly obnoxious to them. It
does not appear from the evidence of the rioters taken
by the Commission that these men complained of the
action of the civil courts. Many of them asserted that
they were not in debt, and others that they had not
been sued for their debts ; but, seeing that the object of
the rioters was not only plunder but the recovery of
bonds, it seems manifest that there had been a refusal
of credit, and, in all probability, threats of proceedings
in court for the recovery of outstanding debts. It also
appears that, by reason of a scanty and uncertain rain-
fall, the productive powers of the distticls are usually
uncertain, and have for some years been abnormally
small.

My lord, no doubt a case has been made out for the
application of special measures of relief, and I fully
admit that that relief should take the form of a law
providing facilities for the release of debtors from debts
which they can have no hope of discharging, and which,
while they remain subject to them, deprive them of the
ordinary motives for exertion — ^the attainment of some-
thing more than bare livelihood.

But, my lord, while it is desirable to give greater
facilities to the raiyats of the Dekkhan, whose ruin has
been accomplished by unforeseen circumstances, to free
themselves from debts which paralyse their industry,
care must be taken that the remedies are such as will

204

Syed Ahmed Khan.

not deter the people from havin^r recourse to them, nor
impair the credit which is ordinarily given to agricul*
turists, and without which they would be unable to
meet the demand for revenue, or to sustain themselves
from harvest to harvest.

The requirements of the present Bill as to registration
appear to me so onerous, that they will operate to deter
persons from committing their transactions to writing.
Registration affords a very doubtful proof of the pay-
ment of money. It is a common experience in this
country that money paid in the presence of the registra-
tion officer is in part or wholly returned when the
parties leave the presence of the registrar. It is rarely
denied that a transaction has taken place ; but if a
dispute arises, it is as to the amount received.

'I'he portion of the Bill which relates to conciliation
also deserves serious consideration. The Bill provides
for the appointment of conciliators, who, having invited
the parties to attend, are to use their best endeavours to
induce them to agree to an amicable settlement. Now
the matter on whi<'h the parties are supposed to be at
variance is not a mere dispute arising out of domestic
or friendly relations, in which the impartiality of a
stranger or the influence of a neighbour can be hope-
fully introduced, to persuade the parties to make
mutual concessions ; and therefore I am not hopeful that
this provision will be of practical use. No doubt a
revenue officer or a police officer could bring influences
to bear on creditors which would induce them altogether
to forego their claims ; but I need hardlv express my
conviction that the Government of India would alto-
gether discountenance the exercise of any such
influence ; and I have no doubt the Council, in order
to avoid even the apprehension of its exercise, will see
fit to introduce a provision in the Bill prohibiting the
appointment as conciliator of any officer exercising
revenue or police functions.

On the other hand, the attendance before the con-
ciliator will put the parties to considerable inconve-
nience. The conciliator can only “ invite ** them to
attend ; and if the defendant does not attend, he may
adjourn the case for an indefinite time and as often as
he pleases. A claimant may have to waste any number
of davs to obtain relief in the most trifling case ; and
there is no provision to secure him compensation.

The Sante Continued,

205

My lord, in my judgment there is more reason to
expect that a creditor will abate his claims when the
parties are brought face to face in a public court of
justice, than at a private sitting held by a conciliator ;
but if it is resolved that an experiment be made, at
least provisions should be introduced to secure the
appointment of conciliators to whom all parties can
resort with equal confidence, and to restrict adjourn-
ments.

My lord, I now come to the provisions relating to
the procedure in the civil courts ; and before 1 offer any
remarks upon them, I must defend my countrymen
from some imputations which have been, I think
unfairly, cast on them, and received as true without
sufficient inquiry. It is said they are prone to litigation.
In those provinces in which I have acquired experience,
I have found no facts to warrant this conclusion.
Looking to the numbers of the population and their
innumerable transactions resulting in credit, the number
of suits for the recovery of debt will compare not
unfavourably with the statistics of any other civilised
country. Creditors rarely sue their debtors unless a
dispute has arisen, or unless they desire, by obtaining a
decree, to secure an advantage over other creditors.
Nor is it true, as has been frequently asserted, that the
village moneylender generally desires to acquire the
land of his debtor. He looks for the return of his
money principally to the crop raised by the labour of his
debtor, and takes a mortgage to prevent the debtor’s
making away with the crop, or defeating his claim in
favour of another money-lender. In the hands of the
money-lender, who cannot himself cultivate, the land is
worth only the rent a tenant could give for it.

Again, in a large majority of cases the claims brought
are just, and the defendants do not seek to evade them
by unjust defences. I do not mean to say that there
are not in this country, as elsewhere, extortionate
usurers and persons who advance false claims in courts
of justice, and also debtors who have recourse to fraud
to defeat just claims ; but I believe — ^and I have seen no
proof to the contrary — that the civil courts have, in the
ordinary course of their procedure, not failed in this
country more than elsewhere to detect fraud and defeat

206

Syed Ahmed Khan.

its intended consequences. In fact, our acquaintance
with such frauds is derived chiefly from the investiga-
tions of courts of civil justice.

1 would also observe that in this country, where
opportunities for small investments rarely present them-
selves except in the shape of loans on the security of
land, there is a large number of persons who are not
professional money-lenders, but w'ho invest their
savings in such securities, and almost universally
charge no higher interest than the usual rate in the
market. The first deviation from the ordinary proce-
dure which I find in the Bill, is the compulsory enforce-
ment of the attendance of the defendant. My lord, if 1
am right in supposing that in the majority of cases the
claim is just, it follows that in the majority of cases in
which the defendant does not appear, it is because he
knows the complaint is just, and does not desire to
lose the labour of several days, possibly at a critical
season for his crop, and incur the expense of going to
and from and attending the court. It would perhaps be
sufficient to require the court to exercise the power it
already possesses, of enforcing the attendance of the
defendant only in those cases in which, on looking into
the account, it sees reason to believe the claim is
fraudulent or extortionate. The rule prescribed in the
Bill appears to me calculated to injure rather than
benefit the majority of defendants.

The provisions of the Bill which direct the court to
go into the history of the case from the commencement
of the transactions, I think also require modification.
A definite limit of time should be prescribed for reopen-
ing statements and settlements of accounts. The pro-
visions of section 12, requiring the court to search for
a defence ** on the ground of fraud, mistake, accident,
undue influence ” (whatever that expression may mean),
** or otherwise,** are calculated to encourage defendants
to set up false defences, and to support them with false
evidence ; and for this reason they call for very serious
consideration. Nor can I give my consent to the pro-
visions of section 15, forcing an arbitration on parties
whether they consent to it or not. Competent and
impartial arbitrators are rarely to be found in villages ;
and it is one of the acknowledged privileges of British
citizenship, that for the vindication of right recourse

The Same Continiud.

207

may be had to judges of whose competency and impar-
tiality their selection by the State is a guarantee. 1 am
also unable to agree with the principle upon which
section 16 of the Bill is based. The provisions of that
section appear to me to be contrary to Hindu law as
administered on this side of India, and to general
equity. If a Hindu dies leaving assets, then whoever
takes his assets, in whatever degree he may be related
to the deceased, and even if he be a stranger, is liable
to satisfy the debts of the deceased to the extent of the
assets, and, where such debts bear interest, with in-
terest. This rule is common to the English and Moham-
medan as well as to the Hindu law. The Hindu law
does, indeed, impose a moral obligation on the descend-
ants of the deceased person to pay his debts, and when
the descendants are related to the deceased in the first
degree, with interest; but this obligation, which has not
the force of law, is not enforced by the courts on this
side of India, and ought, 1 think, in no case to be
enforced to the injury of bond fide creditors of the
descendants of the deceased.

In section 20, which provides that a debtor owing
less than fifty rupees, who is unable wholly to pay the
debt, should be discharged on payment of a portion, it
appears to me necessary to specify what portion he is
to pay — whether it be so much as he is able or a per-
centage; but this point will no doubt receive the atten-
tion of the Committee.

The provisions of the Bill tending to prevent the
employment of Vakils appear to me to be of very
doubtful expediency. Having exercised judicial func-
tions for many years, I am bound to say the courts
receive considerable assistance from Vakils, and that
the more ignorant the suitor is, the less probability is
there he will be able to explain his case in the confusion
he experiences in a court of justice, as well as he can
to his adviser outside the court. I would prefer to sec
provision made for the employment of Government
pleaders, to appear on behalf of debtors in all cases,
rather than discountenance the employment of pleaders
at all.

With regard to appeals, which are entirely prohibited
in the Bill, I admit that they entail evils, in that they
prolong litigation and increase expense; but it seems to

208

Syed Ahmed Khan.

me better to experience these evils than the greater
evil of imperfect justice. Cases triable by the Courts
of Small Causes ordinarily present very simple issuest
and do not call for the intervention of a superior court;
but questions relating to land are far more complicated,
and involve frequently questions on which the law is
not well settled. 1 can see no reason why appeals
should in these cases be refused in the Dekkhan when
they are allowed elsewhere. Revision is, at the best,
an imperfect substitute for the right of appeal.

For similar reasons, I consider the expediency of
introducing special rules .of limitation, proposed in the
Bill, open to serious doubt. If it is desirable in the
interest of the debtor to extend the period of limitation
for the recovery of debts, the benefit should be given
to agriculturists everywhere, and indeed to debtors of
all classes.

The provisions of the amended Code of Civil Pro-
cedure relating to insolvency will afford sensible relief
— ^and relief that was needed — to agricultural and other
debtors in all parts of the country. The insolvency
provisions in the present Bill go beyond the general
law. 1 am not prepared to dissent from them on that
account — ^for the circumstances have been shown to
justify special remedies — ^but the provision respecting
the delivery of property in lieu of cash is anomalous.
It will not, 1 think, be acceptable to either party, nor
does it appear called for.

With regard to section 35 of the Bill, 1 have only to
observe that 1 can see no reason why a fraudulent
insolvent in the Dekkhan should be exposed to less
penalties than a fraudulent debtor elsewhere.

My lord, there is one more point to which I wish to
invite the CounciPs attention. Admitting, as I do, that
the exigencies of the case require special legislation,

I entertain a serious doubt whether the rules framed
in the Bill should be enacted more than as a temporary
measure. Perhaps the requirements of the case would
be sufficiently met if the operation of the proposed law
is limited to a certain number of years. Some of the
most important provisions of the Bill relating to inter-
est strongly resemble the laws against usury which for
many years were prevalent in this country. I had
some share in administering them. They were found

The Same Continued.

209

ineffective; they encouraged fraud; they operated as a
hardship upon the borrower, — ^and as such were re-
pealed both in England and in this country. The
revival of any rules of law which limit the rate of inter-
est or empower courts to interfere in the terms of
private contract, cannot be regarded by me as other
than a retrograde step — ^a step which, if justified by
extreme emergency, should at any rate not be allowed
permanently to affect the law even in a small portion of
the country.

My lord, so far as the Bill tends to relieve the
Dekkhan raiyats from their present embarrassments, it
will have my cordial support; but should the provisions
of the Bill go to deprive them of this privilege, and so
far as such provisions tend to hinder the ordinary tran-
sactions of the people and render the recovery of debts
incurred hereafter uncertain, I should be reluctant to
support it.

lam convinced that no law can be framed which will
do away with the necessity of borrowing, or, so long
as the recovery of loans is uncertain and fraught with
difficulty, put a stop to exorbitant rates of interest. An
experience of thirty-five years, during which I had the
honour of serving as a judicial officer of the Govern-
ment, induces me to say that all rules which aim at
regulating the rate of interest on private loans, or
which place difficulties in the way of their recovery,
far from relieving, are injurious to the borrower, whose
necessities compel him to evade the law by secret and
collusive agreements of which the terms are more oner-
ous because they cannot be enforced. The condition
of the Indian raiyats , not only in the Dekkhan but in
other parts of India, jpully deserves consideration at the
hands of the Government : perhaps in their pecuniary
difficulties may be traced some of the causes which
make famine so severe and oft-recurring a calamity.
The question is undoubtedly momentous; and your
Excellency’s administration is to be congratulated upon
having undertaken its solution. But, my lord, the
solution, in my humble opinion, lies not in conferring
anomalous privileges of protection against the demands
of the moneylender, not in placing difficulties in the
way of borrowing money, not in making the recovery
of judgment debts dilatory or uncertain, but in provid-

N

210 Syed Ahmed Khan.

ing the agriculturists of India with facilities for borrow-
ing money on moderate interest, and in making the
recovery of such loans speedy and certain.

In bringing forward his measure on Compulsory
Vaccination for the second reading, Syed Ahmed
said : —

My lord, the Vaccination Bill, which I had the
honour of introducing into the Council on the 30th of
September last, has been published in the Gazette of
India,” and also in the local Gazettes, in English as
well as in the vernacular languages. The local govern-
ments have submitted their opinions and those of local
officers as to the expediency of the proposed legislation.
Some of the municipal committees and societies have
commented on the measure. All these opinions, re-
marks, and papers are now before the Council.

My lord, on the first occasion when I advocated in
the Council the expediency of making vaccination com-
pulsory by legislation, I said : ” I have carefuly con-
sidered the difficulties which exist in putting such a law
into practice, and I am aware that there are some parts
of India which have not yet reached the stage when the
enforcement of such measures would be advisable. The
proposed Bill will therefore not be generally compul-
sory. It is not meant to be applicable to those parts of
India which possess local legislatures, and its operation
will be confined to such municipalities and military can-
tonments in British India as the local governments in
their discretion deem fit to place under the proposed
law.” I further remarked that the object of the pro-
posed Bill was to provide a law to enable the local
governments of those provinces which do not possess
their own legislatures, to make vaccination compulsory
in such places as they consider fit for the promulga-
tion of such a law. The difference of opinions among
the various focal officers in regard to the expediency of
rendering vaccination compulsory is due to the variety
of local circumstances which I had in view when fram-
ing the Bill now before the Council.

My lord, the legislation which I have proposed meets
the objections of those who oppose it and the wishes of
those who support it, since one of the most essential

l^iews <m Cttmpulsory Veuxination, 211

features of the Bill is that its adoption is permissive.
If the Bill is referred to a Select Committee, I shall be
glad to adopt any alterations which the !^lect Com*
mitee may consider necessary, in accordance with Dr.
Cunningham *s suggestion, to restrict the power of the
local governments in respect of enforcing the proposed
law.

My lord, it has been said, as a reason against the
passing of the Bill, that vaccination is gradually spread-
ing, and that the prejudices of the people against it are
giving way to the beneficial influence exercised by local
otticers. The statement, my lord, on which this argu-
ment is based, is no doubt correct; but I may be per-
mitted to say that the cirucumstance, far from furnish-
ing an argument against the Bill, strongly supports its
policy. Even the greatest opponents of the proposed
legislation do not maintain that the object in view is
not desirable. The strongest argument against the
proposed law is, that there are still many amongst the
people of this country who look upon vaccination either
as unnecessary or objectionable. But in a matter of
this kind the discussion resolves itself into the simple
question whether the indifference or opposition of a part
of the community should be allowed to deprive the
whole community of advantages which the truths of
science and the conclusions of actual experience have
made undeniable.

My lord, I am myself a native of India, brought up
under the same social circumstances and prejudices as
those of my countrymen whose voice is raised against
the proposed legislation. I can emphatically say that
the hatred which once existed against vaccination is a
thing of the past, at least in the more advanced parts
of British India. The opposition to vaccination, where-
ever it exists, is due either to the manner in which some
of the underlings of the department conduct themselves,
»r to defects of system. Such being my views, I have
no hesitation in saying that, if the causes of the opposi-
tion are removed by introducing better organisation
and more effective supervision, by providing facilities,
and by obtaining the co-operation of influential native
gentlemen, vaccination will become more popular every
day. But this result cannot be achieved without a legis-
lative measure such as I have ventured to propose.

212

Syed Ahmed Khan.

The highest castes of Hindus have accepted vaccina-
tion. There is a memorial in favour of the Bill before
the Council sent up by forty-eight of the most respect-
able Hindu citizens of the ancient city of BenareSy a
place which in the eyes of orthodox Hindus is still im-
surpassed in sanctity and religious learning. To those
forty-eight names I may be allowed to add that of Raja
Shimbhu Narain Singh Bahadur, a gentleman of great
influence and high position in that city, and a Brahmin
by caste. In a communication addressed to me he has
strongly supported the policy of the Bill, and has ex-
pressed his wish that it may pass into law. It is true,
as has been urged by some of the opponents of the Bill,
that there are still in India many temples consecrated
to the worship of Mdtd Dehi^ the goddess of smallpox,
and that large numbers of people resort to these places
of worship. But I feel sure that vaccination has never
been regarded as interfering with the worship of this
goddess, or any of the ceremonies connected with it.
The parents of vaccinated children perform the cere-
monies of worshipping Mdtd^Dehi without the smallest
feeling that a resort to the prophylactic against the
disease in any way interferes with their religion.
Inoculation was not unknown in India; it was called
chhopa, while vaccination has ever since its introduc-
tion received the name of gau-than-sitla^ which, literally
translated, means cow-udder-smallpox. The name itself
suggests the source from which the lymph was
obtained.

I should have dwelt more upon this point had I not
felt that a full answer to the objection is to be found
in a sentence which his Honour the Lieutenant-Gover-
nor of the Panjab has recorded with regard to the
Society’s argument. His Honour observes : —

** There is one point which is not noticed by the
Society, and which has a practical bearing on vaccina-
tion, — namely, that a child of the age at which vaccina-
tion is practis^ on it is not, according to Hindu law,
liable to ceremonial impurity, and therefore, even
though vaccine may be impure to Hindus, the child
would not be made impure by it.”

My lord, the practice of vaccination has gained foot-
ing in some native States also. I can speak of two
Hindu States in the Panjab. The history of Patialla,

The Same Continued,

213

written by its able minister, informs us that vaccina-
tion was introduced in the State in the Hindu year 1933,
corresponding with the year 1876. The late Maharaja
had his own son vaccinated, and all the young children
of the minister’s family were also vaccinated. 1 have
trustworthy information that, in the State of Patialla,
no less than 55,618 children were vaccinated in three
years. Similarly, in the State of Kapurthala no less
than 4,394 children were vaccinated in one year.

My lord, 1 now come to another important subject
connected with the Bill — namely, the prohibition of
inoculation. The majority of opinions which have been
received are in favour of prohibitive provisions in this
respect. When one member of a family is inoculated,
others are also obliged to undergo the operation as a
protective measure; and the appearance of smallpox
IS its necessary consequence. The reasons for prohibit-
ing inoculation make it all the more necessary that
every measure should be adopted to make vaccination
prevalent; for the State should not deprive the people
of one remedy without supplying facilities for adopting
a better and a more efficacious substitute.

My lord, 1 wish to mention the principles which have
been prominent in my mind in framing the Bill. I have
endeavoured to make its provisions as simple as pos-
sible, to provide facilities for their being carried out,
to avoid everything likely to give offence to the feelings
of the people, and lastly, to encourage, as far as pos-
sible, the co-operation of native gentlemen in giving
effect to the provisions of the proposed law. one
can hold stronger views than I do, that no measure
relating to the welfare of the public should be adopted
by the State without due regard to the feelings of those
to whom the measure relates. The tenderest regard
to the prejudices of the people does not prohibit the
proposed legislation. The British rule In India has, for
its guiding principles, the alleviation of human suffering
and the protei^tion of the weak and the helpless. Those
principles have abolished the sacrifice of human lives at
the altar of superstition, and put an effective check upon
female infanticide. Who can deny that those evils were
time-honoured institutions, and had become fixed habits
of a portion of the population of India? Who can
maintain that the State was not justified in adopting

Syed Ahmed Khan,

a 14

decisive measures to remove those evils? Who can
maintain that the State in adopting those measures
acted in opposition to the principles of toleration or
humanity? And, my lord, 1 feel that in advocating the
measure now before the Council, 1 am not asking the
Legislature to act contrary to the principles upon which
it has always acted. Nor am I asking the legislature
to interfere with the religious prejudices of the people.

I am not seeking the abolition of any of their time-
honoured customs. I am asking the Legislature to
interfere in a matter which, to thousands of innocent
and helpless children, is a matter of life and death.
The ravages of smallpox are not now involved in un-
certainty. They are terrible both in their extent and
their regularity. An instalment of a hundred thousand
human lives is paid every year to the malady; and, in
view of this awful fact, 1 must confess that I find it
difficult to conceive how any vague apprehensions of
opposition, or the existence of unfounded prejudices,
can have greater weight than the absolutely certain fact
of the enormous loss of human life which the absence
of a well-organised system of compulsory vaccination
involves. The British rule, to whose guardianship the
lives of millions are intrusted, has always felt itself
called upon to adopt measures for preventing the loss
of human life, and I feel that the legislation proposed by
me, if .sanctioned by the Legislature, would only be an
addition to the numerous instances of the policy of
humanity which the British rule in India has always
pursued.

My lord, I move that the Bill be referred to a Select
Committee consisting of the Honourable Messrs.
Stokes and Thompson, the Honourable Maharaja
Jotindra Mohan Tagore, and the Honourable Messrs.
Colvin and Grant, and the mover.

Whilst in Council, Syed Ahmed was examined as a
witness by the Education Commission, of which he and
his .son Syed Mahmud were members. His examination
was very voluminous, and his replies cover thirty-two
printed pages. I shall give a brief tisumi of his evi-
dence. As regards the number of Government schools.

Indian EducaHon — Buffaloes at SckooL 2x5

he thinks there is no necesuty for an increase, but
that the existing institutions are capable of affording
instruction to a much larger number of pupils, and
that, therefore, every available means should be adopted
for improving their efficiency, and for making them
more useful and popular. He does not think the
present system of inspection adequate.

Syed Ahmed says that he had an opportunity of in-
specting many schools when he was a member of the
Educational Committee at Allygurh. He has occasion-
ally had reason to doubt the correctness of school regis-
ters, and found that it was not unusual to enter names
of mythical students in them. He once set out to in-
spect a village school which used to send regular re-
ports of its working, and it appeared that a reasonable
number of students were reading in it. But on reaching
the village he was surprised to find that there was no
school at all, that the place which was represented as
the school building was no other than a shed for buf-
faloes, and that the contents of the registers and
reports were altogether fictitious. He is of opinion
that the standard of education fixed for vernacular
schools is not popular, and certainly not suitable. The
standard of literature taught in these schools is hardly
sufficient to enable a student to acquire tolerable pro-
ficiency in subjects which are of use to him in his after-
life. The degree of proficiency acquired in indigenous
schools in this respect far surpasses that afforded by
these schools. He thinks the regular study of arith-
metic should, in vernacular primary schools, be supple-
mented by the indigenous method (gar), which is more
practical. History ought also to be more thoroughly
taught. As regards village schools, he thinks that they
would be made more useful and popular by — 1st, Re-

Syed Ahmed Khan.

216

forming the courses of study, and raising the standard
of literature; 2nd, By appointing such persons to be
teachers as are popular, and possess the confidence of
the people; 3rd, By fixing their salaries on a standard
sufficient to make them appreciate their appointment;
4th, By securing the co-operation of respectable men in
each division of a district in the cause of education.
Syed Ahmed was strongly of opinion that the non-
association of respectable natives in the work of educa-
tion has been a great drawback and a political mis-
take. This was remedied, on Syed Ahmed’s representa-
tion, many years ago, when native gentlemen were
made members of the District Educational Committees.

In 1872, Syed Ahmed, in a note on education, wrote :

It is much to be regretted, however, that the native
members of the said committees, when they sit with
Europeans and the educational authorities in the same
room, look more like thieves who have entered a gentle-
man’s house for theft, than like bold advocates of an
important cause. To remedy existing defects, Syed
Ahmed would make the collector of each district, head
of the vernacular instruction within his collectors te;
he would abolish the inspectors and deputy-inspectors
of schools, substituting for the latter a native deputy
collector in each district as an assistant to the collector,
the most influential men of the district to be members
of the committee. The deputy collector would, under
this system, inspect personally at least four times a-year
all the vernacular schools in his district; while the sub-
divisional (perganah) visitor would inspect his schools
at least four times a-month, and report the results of
each inspection to the committee. The other revenue
officers would visit the schools when on tour. Each
subdivision should have its educational committee, com-

Indian Education,

217

posed of respectable residents, with the Tahsildar for
its president; the entire management of the district
schools — i,e,y increase or reduction in their number,
selection of proper places for their establishment, &c.,
would rest with the district committee; and the income
of these schools, derived from all sources, would be at
its disposal, the committee to submit its budgets regu-
larly to the Director of Public Instruction. English
schools Syed Ahmed would not put under these conv-
mittees, as he thinks that it would be prejudicial to
those schools. As regards English education being
essentially requisite for the interests of the people,
Syed Ahmed in his evidence said : —

About thirty years have now elapsed since the des-
patch of 1854. During this period the condition of
India has undergone a considerable change. In 1854,
when the despatch was written, India was certainly in
a condition which might justify our thinking that the
acquisition of knowledge through the medium of the
vernaculars of the country would be enough to meet
our immediate wants. But now such is not the case.
Vernacular education is no more regarded as sufficient
for our daily affairs of life. It is only of use to us in
our private and domestic aflairs, and no higher degree
of proficiency than what is acquired in primary and
middle vernacular schools is requisite for that purpose;
nor is more wanted by the country. It is English educa-
tion which is urgently needed by the country, and by
the people in their daily life. We see that an ordinary
shopkeeper who is neither himself acquainted with Eng-
lish, nor has any English-knowing person in his em-
ployment, feels it a serious hindrance in the progress of
his business. Even the itinerant pedlars and hoxwalaSy
W’ho go from door to door selling their articles, keenly
feel the necessity of knowing at least the English names
of their commodities, and of being able to tell their
prices in English. It is high time that Government as
well as the people should exert themselves to their

Syed Ahmed Khan.

2 lS

utmost in extending this popular education^ if I may
be allowed so to call it.

As regards the diffusion of Western arts and sciences
through vernacular translations, &c.y he said : —

In vernacular and English primary and middle
schools, the object of which is to impart instruction up
to that standard only, and not to prepare scholars for
a higher standard of education, the interests of the
country will no doubt be furthered by teaching the
Western sciences to the standard laid down for those
institutions in vernacular. But in English elementary
schools, which have been established with the object of
serving as a stepping-stone for higher education, the
tuition of European sciences through the medium of the
vernacular is calculated to ruin the cause of education.

I confess I am the person who had first entertained
the idea that the acquisition of the knowledge of Euro-
pean sciences through the medium of the vernacular
would be more beneficial to the country. I am the
person who had found fault with Lord Macaulay’s
Minute of 1835 exposing the defects of oriental
learning, and recommending the study of Western
science and literature, and had failed to consider
whether the introduction of European sciences by means
of the vernaculars would bring any advantage to the
native community.

1 did not confine my opinion to theory alone, but
tried to put it into practice. 1 discussed the matter at
various meetings, wrote several pamphlets and articles
on the subject, and sent memorials to local and supreme
Governments. A Society, known by the name of ** The
Scientific Society, Allygurh,” was established for the
very purpose, and it translated several scientific and his-
torical works from the English language into the ver-
nacular. But I could not help acknowledging the fallacy
of my opinion at last. I was forced to accept the truth
of what an eminent liberal statesman has said, that

what the Indian of our day wanted, whether he was
Hindu or Mohammedan, was some insight into the
literature and science which were the life of his own
time, and of the vigorous race which were the repre-

Indian Education,

a 19

sentative of all knowledge and all power to him.*’ I
felt the soundness and sincerity of the policy adopted
by Lord William Bentinck when he declared that ** the
great object of the Government ought to be the pro-
motion of European literature and science among the
nations of India.”

With reference to the question whether Government
should support primary and secondary education, he
said : —

As my personal opinion on this point is at variance
with the public feeling, I may be allowed to give a
sketch of both the views.

1 am personally of opinion that the duty of Govern-
ment, in relation to public instruction, is not to provide
education to the people, but to aid the people in procur-
ing it for themselves. But the public feeling seems to
differ widely from this view. The people base their
argument on the fact that in India all matters affecting
the public weal have always rested with Government.
They see no reason why the education of the people,
which is also a matter of public weal, should not rest
with Government. After a full consideration of the
question in all its bearings, 1 have come to the conclu-
sion that the native public cannot obtain suitable educa-
tion unless the people take the entire management of
their education into their own hands, and that it is not
possible for Government to adopt a system of education
which may answer all purposes and satisfy the special
wants of the various sections of the population. It
would therefore be more beneficial to the country if
Government should leave the entire management of
their education to the people, and withdraw its own
interference. The public opinion is not in favour of
this view. A very able and intelligent native gentleman
said to me some time ago that the idea that we should
ourselves procure our education was an entire mistake ;
that the use of the word- ourselves in any national sense,
with reference to the people of India, was out of place,
for no nation could undertake any great work without
the co-operation of all classes, high and low, whether in
point of wealth or political and administrative power.

220

Syed Ahmed Khan.

He added that the higher order of political and adminis-
trative power in India was held by Government and its
European ofHcers, and that those who benefited most
by commerce in India were also Europeans ; and there-
fore they formed in reality the most important section
of the Indian population.

Apropos of this, 1 may be allowed to relate an inci-
dent which has happened to myself. At the time when
the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College was estab-
lished at Allygurh, I asked a European gentleman,
holding a high office under Government, to grant some
pecuniary aid to the institution. He replied that he
was not bound to help us in the matter, that the institu-
tion was a child of ours and not his, and that he would
rather be inclined to spurn it than to hug it with
paternal affection.

Interrogated by his son, Syed Mahmud, as to whether
religious prejudices alone have kept Mohammedans
aloof from English education, or whether anything in
their socio-political traditions has had the same effect,
he replied : —

It may be briefly stated that the causes which have
kept the Mohammedans aloof from English education
may be traced to four sources, — to their political tra-
ditions, social customs, religious beliefs, and poverty.
An insight into the political causes can be obtained by
studying the history of the last two centuries. The
Mohammedan public was not opposed to the establish-
ment of British rule in India, nor did the advent of
British rule cause any political discontent among that
people. In those days of anarchy and oppression,
when the country was in want of a paramount power,
the establishment of British supremacy was cordially
welcomed by the whole native community; and the
Mohammedans also viewed this political change with
feelings of satisfaction. But the subordinate political
change which this transition naturally involved as a
consequence, and which proved a great and unexpected
blow to the condition of the Mohammedans, engen-
dered in them a feeling of aversion against the British,
and against all things relating to tte British nation.

The Same Continued.

221

For the same reason they conceived an aversion for
the English language, and for the sciences that were
presented to them through the medium of that lan-
guage. But this aversion is now declining in the same
degree in which education is spreading among Moham-
medans.

The Mohammedans were proud of their socio-
political position, and their keeping aloof from English
education may in some measure be ascribed to the fact
that the Government colleges and schools included
among their pupils some of those whom the Moham-
medans, with an undue pride and unreasonable self-
conceit and vanity, regarded with social contempt.
They could never be brought to admit that sound and
useful learning existed in any language except Arabic
and Persian. They had given a peculiar form to moral
philosophy, and had based it on religious principles,
which they believed to be infallible; and this circum-
stance had dispensed, as they thought, with the neces-
sity of European science and literature. I still remem-
ber the days when, in respectable families, the study of
English, with the object of obtaining a post in Govern-
ment service or of securing any other lucrative employ-
ment, w’as considered highly discreditable. The pre-
judice has now, however, much slackened.

The religious aspect of the question I have already
described. The poverty of the Mohammedan com-
munity is only too obvious to require any comment.
1 am, however, of opinion that the above-mentioned
socio-political causes, though still extant, have been
mitigated to a considerable extent, and the Moham-
medans are gradually freeing themselves of old preju-
dices, and taking to the study of English literature and
science.

In re the absence of sympathy among European
officials towards native endeavours for establishing
educational institutions, he replied : —

I agree in the views of my friend which I have
quoted, and have therefore given in my 3xst answer
an example of what personalljr happened to me. At
the same time it is my opinion and belief that the
Government and its high statesmen cordially desire
our welfare and feel sympathy with us. But the

222

Syed Ahmed Khan.

majority of those subordinate European officers who
have the administration in the Mofussil in their hands,
are careless of, and indifferent to, our education and
enlightenment. There are, no doubt, some of them
who go out of their way to show sympathy to us, and
take a share in our endeavours by helping us in our
work both by money and by other means. Towards
such English officers we naturally feel gratitude from
the bottom of our hearts. But there are also some
European officers, though they are few, who strongly
feel that the spread of education and enlightenment
among natives, and especially among the Mussulmans,
is contrary to political expediency for the British rule.
This class of men dislikes natives educated in English,
and regard them with anger and jealousy. Similarly,
some officers of the Educational Department used to
view the establishment of independent educational
institutions with a jealous eye. But 1 am thankful to
say that, at least in my part of the country, such is
not the case at present. I may briefly state that the
great majority of English officers believe that their
duty is to do only their official work, and that they
are not called upon to take any trouble about other
matters connected with the needs of the country. They
do not come into social relations with natives, and
therefore they are seldom able to know the real and
inner wants and needs of the native population. Thus,
speaking generally, no real sympathy exists between
European officers and the natives — 1 mean such sym-
pathy as exists between two friends. I think this very
unfortunate, at least for my countrymen; but I wish
to say plainly that the blame does not rest entirely
with either the English officers or the natives. I firmly
believe that as soon as sincere friendly svmpathy is
established between Englishmen and natives, schools
and even colleges will begin to be established all over
the country, and will cost Government no more than
the grant-in-aid rules could easily allow. But I am
sorry to confess that I do not think that much improve-
ment in this respect can be expected for some years to
come.

As regards the education of Mohammedan girls, he
said : —

The Education of Mohammedan Girls, 223

Before proceeding to answer the question, I beg
leave to say that the general idea that Mohammedan
ladies of respectable families are quite ignorant is an
entire mistake. A sort of indigenous education of a
moderate degree prevails among them, and they study
religious and moral books in Urdu and Persian, and
in some instances Arabic. In families of the letter
classes, there have been ladies in comparatively recent
times who possessed a high degree of ability. The
poverty of the Mohammedans has been the chief cause
of the decline of female education among them. It is
still a custom among the welMo-do and respectable
families of Mohammedans to employ tutoresses
(Ustanis or Mullanis) to get their girls instructed in
the Holy Koran, and in elementary theological books
in the Urdu language. Sometimes a father or a
brother, or some other near kinsman, teaches them to
write letters in Urdu, and occasionally imparts to them
instruction in Persian books. To qualify them to read
and write telegraphic messages, some boys have
taught English to their sisters sufficient for the
purpose ; and 1 know of two girls who can even write
letters in English. I admit, however, that the general
state of female education among Mohammedans is at
present far from satisfactory. I cannot blame the
Mohammedans for their disinclination towards Govern-
ment girls* schools, and I believe that even the greatest
admirer of female education among European gentle-
men will not impute blame to the Mohammedans if he
is only acquainted with the state of those schools in
this country. I have also seen a few of the girls'
schools in England. Were these institutions for a
moment supposed to be just like those in India in every
respect, would any English gentleman like to send his
daughters for education to them ? Certainly not. The
question of female education much resembles the ques-
tion of the oriental philosopher who asked whether the
egg or the hen was first created. Those who hold that
women should be educated and civilised prior to men
are greatly mistaken. The fact is, that no satisfactory
education can be provided for Mohammedan females
until a large number of Mohammedan males receive a
sound education. The present^ state of education
among Mohammedan females is, in my opinion, enough

224

Syed Ahmed Khan.

for domestic happiness, considering the present social
and economical condition of the life of the Mohamme-
dans in India. What the Government at present ought
to do, is to concentrate its efforts in adopting measures
for the education and enlightenment of Mohammedan
boys. When the present generation of Mohammedan
men is well educated and enlightened, the circumstance
will necessarily have a powerful though indirect effect
on the enlightenment of Mohammedan women, for
enlightened fathers, brothers, and husbands will natur-
ally be most anxious to educate their female relations.
Any endeavours on the part of Government to intro-
duce female education among Mohammedans will,
under the present social circumstances, prove a com-
plete failure so far as respectable families are con-
cerned, and, in my humble opinion, will probably
produce mischievous results, and be a waste of money
and energy.

In May 1882, Sir Salar Jang paid Syed Ahmed a
visit, and inspected the college, of which he was one
of the visitors. He was received with every honour,
and was very much pleased with what he saw. He
made Syed Ahmed promise to pay him a visit at
Hyderabad, and in September of the same year Syed
Ahmed fulfilled his promise, staying with the minister
for a month. During this time he had many long and
important conversations with Sir Salar Jang, visited
Bolarum with him, and had a big dinner given him by
his host. Many of the nobles wished to entertain him
at dinner, but he invariably begged them to give him
the money that the dinners would cost, as donations to
his college fund. They did so, and he carried off with
him to Allygurh Rs.30,000! He is now (February
1885) meditating another visit to Hyderabad.

In August of 1882, the Hon. W. W. Hunter and
the Education Commission held their first session in
the North-Western Provinces at Allygurh. At a great

An old Aniagonisi becomes a Friend. 225

meeting held in the college, in reply to the addresses of
the municipality, the college, and of fourteen societies
and public bodies in these provinces, the Hon. W. W.
Hunter, the President of the Commission, Syed
Ahmed's old literary antagonist, in the course of his
speech, said : —

Gentlemen, it is because this college in which we are
now assembled forms the greatest and noblest effort
ever made in India for the advancement of Moham*
medan education, that the Commission determined to
hold its first session for the North-Western Provinces
at Allygurh. We hope that our presence here will be
taken as our public tribute of admiration to this
splendid example of self-help. A few more such
examples of self-help, and there would be no need of
Education Commissions in India. The other night I
was taken to see the two historical monuments of Ally-
gurh. We drove out to the solitary place where the
silent moat and the deserted ramparts of Du Perron’s
fort coil their long length, in angular twists, across the
plain. Then we visited the monument erected to the
brave soldiers who fell in 1803. The monument stands
by itself, remote from the habitations of men, .with high
jungle-grass around it, half choking the little path
which leads to its entrance. On our way home, as we
passed the Mohammedan college, I could not help
thinking what a much nobler memorial of our age is
this splendid pile of buildings in which we are now
assembled. Those solitary relics out on the plain,
with their pathetic narratives of ambition, endurance,
and gallant effort, form the records of a time when,
throughout the length and breadth of India, race
hated race, and when each man’s hand was raised
against his neighbour. You, gentlemen, who have
built this college, will bequeath a far nobler monument
to posterity. You will leave behind you a magnificent
memorial not of, the discord, but of the reconciliation
of races ; a monument of beneficent energy, not of
destructive force ; and one which, unlike those poor
erections of stone and earth which now lie so apart
from the interests and the habitations of men, will

o

226

Syed Ahmed Khan,

continue for ever a centre of the highest human efforts,
vocal with young voices, and alive with the hopes and
aspirations of young hearts. . . .

Gentlemen, this college at Allygurh not onlv provides
an education for the Mohammedans of the North-
Western Provinces, but it stands forth as an example
to all India, of a Mohammedan institution which
effectively combines the secular with the religious
aspects of education ; and which, while recognising the
special spiritual needs of the Mohammedan youth,
bases its teaching on the truths of Western science,
and is in tone and tendency thoroughly loyal to our
Queen.

This is a noble work for a mortal to have done upon
earth. And here beside me we see the brave and
liberal-hearted man who, by twenty years of patient
effort, has accomplished it. I believe that very shortly
after the country had passed to the Crown, when men
were still embittered by the bleeding memories of the
catastrophe which preceded the transfer, it entered into
the heart of our friend, the Honourable Syed Ahmed,
to commence this great work of conciliation. During
the first ten years, he bore with many disappointments,
and made little visible progress with his self-assigned
task. He had to give up some of his own views, to
make fresh departures, to submit in silence to indiffer-
ence and disapproval, to the cooling of old friends, and
to the injurious babble of ignorant enemies. But he
never for a moment lost heart. Slowly but surely his
cause advanced. Men believed in him, for he believed
in his work.

In 1870 a public Committee was formed, under his
auspices, for the advancement of learning among the
Mohammedans of India. The two objects of this Com-
mittee were : first, to ascertain the causes which
prevented the Mohammedans from adequately availing
themselves of the State schools ; second, to provide
means by which the Mohammedans might be recon-
ciled to a secular education that would tend to their
advancement in life, and render them loyal subjects to
their Sovereign.

This magnificent pile of buildings, with its staff of
learned professors, and its crowded class-rooms of boys
from every province of India, is the result. Its primary

Dr. HhhUv^s Speech, 227

aim was to procure the acceptance of European science
and literature as the basis of Mohammedan education.
It has accomplished this by scrupulously providing for
the religious offices of the pious Mohammedan youth.
In going round the college^ I was struck by the sight
of the Shia and Sunni praying-places side by side.
Here, for the first time in the history of India, the Shia
from Hyderabad in the south, and the Sunni from
Delhi and the farthest limits of Bengal, come together
for the common purpose of education, live together,
study together, play together, and pray peacefully a
little apart.

At the same time the Mohammedan founders of this
strictly Mohammedan institution have thrown open
their doors to the youth of all races and creeds. Among
the 259 students, I find 57 Hindus, or nearly one-
fourth of the whole. Christian and Parsi lads have
also received a liberal education within its walls. The
Allygurh College has to import an English principal,
and at least one European professor, and to pay them
at the high rate of European labour current in this
country. Yet it offers an education and a school-life,
modelled on the English public-school pattern, at about
one-tenth of what practically costs an English boy to
live at an English public school.

The teaching staff is both numerous and efficient. An
English principal and professor of university reputation
direct the labours of a body of eminent orientalists and
teachers, of whom any seat of learning might feel
proud. The building itself will, when complete, bear
comparison with*- any educational institution in the
world ; and in extent and magnificence of proportion,
more than rivals the venerable piles at Oxford or
Cambridge.

How has this great work been accomplished? In
the first place, there was one man who placed a noble
end before him, and who was willing to spend his life
and his substance on its attainment. He has preserved,
throughout the long years since its commencement, an
unshaken belief that the work ought to be done. Belief
begets belief. The Honourable Syed Ahmed believed
in his work ; and the other benefactors of this college,
both native and European, have given their subscrip-
tions because they believed in Syed Ahmed. The

228

Syed Ahmed Khan.

Government has more tardily, but in the end not less
munificently, aided in the enterprise, because the
Government has also found good cause to believe in
Syed Ahmed. This college is a noble example to all
India, not only of self-help, but of the power which an
unswerving belief in a good cause exercises on the
minds of men.

But, gentlemen, although the work has prospered
greatly, much still remains to be done.

Men seek immortality In many ways. Some write
books, others climb to high official rank, others seek
the bubble reputation at the cannon*s mouth. But it
has always seemed to me that the most enviable fame
on earth is that of the founder of a great seat of
learning. One of the best-remembered incidents in an
English public-school boy’s life is Founder’s Day. It
was the great festival of the school-year, when boys
and masters held holiday, to celebrate by speeches or
dramas, and manly sports, and hospitality to those
from without, and good cheer to those within, the day
set apart in honour of the founder of the school. As
time rolls on, I hope that this great college will hold a
similar high festival. I hope that centuries after our
generation, with its cares and hopes and ambitions,
has passed away, the memory of S^ed Ahmed will be
honoured afresh each year, as the pious founder of the
noblest Mohammedan seat of learning which this age
has bequeathed to posterity.

In March 1883, my old friend Mr. Allan Octavian
Hume, C.B., late B.C.S., advocated the cause of
native Volunteers in India, and in doing so stated that
in the Mutiny he had a brigade of infantry, cavalry,
and artillery, — I’.e., .the Etawah Yeomanry Levy, — all
volunteers. Having been the Adjutant of that Levy
during 185S-59, I addressed the following letter to the
editor of the “ Pioneer,” entitled, ” What is a Native
Volunteer ?” : —

Sir, — I n your issue of Monday, Mr. Hume, after
explaining how his party of refugees were esoortMl
from Etawah to Fattehabad by native Volunteers (in

IVha/ is a Native Volunteer?

229

1S57), and thence to Agra by European Volunteers,
concludes his letter thus : “ I had a brigade of infantry,
cavalry, and artillery that in many actions proved their
fidelity ; and if, amongst other things, their conduct
was considered sufficiently distinguished to merit, on
two separate occasions, a whole Gazette to themselves,
1 beg that it may not be forgotten that they were all
native Volunteers.” I would venture to ask from my
friend Mr. Hume a definition of the word “ Volunteer.”
The generally accepted one is that a Volunteer is a man
who gives his services to his country without being
paid for doing so. Mr. Hume’s brigade of cavalry,
infantry, and artillery did, as no one knows better than
myself, right good service during 1858 and 1859 ; but
as each individual was paid for his services just like the
rest of our native army, I fail to see how they could
have been Vounteers. Volunteer for service they
certainly did, but so do all our soldiers. Will Mr.
Hume maintain that the men of our native army are all
Volunteers? If Mr. Hume’s argument for the enrol-
ment of native Volunteers be pushed to its logical con-
clusion, it can only mean that the cases of Volunteers
at home and native Volunteers in India are to be con-
sidered as identical. Anomalies are not now permitted.
Now, out of a population of, say, 30,000,000 in
England and Scotland, say 300,000 are Volunteers.
India has a population of 240,000,000 ; therefore,
according to Mr. Hume’s argument, we ought out here
to have a native Volunteer army of say 3,000,000 of
men, all officered by natives, and each battalion with
its complement of rifles and ammunition under its
entire control. There would not be many Europeans
in the country if Mr. Hume’s advocacy of native Volun-
teers were successful.

This brought Syed Ahmed down upon me, and in a
letter which he wrote asking me to visit him, as I was
about to pass through Allygurh en route to Nepaul
tiger-shooting, he said : —

I have perused your reply to Mr. Hume’s letter
advocating the Volunteering of the natives of India.
In not allowing the natives to become Volunteers, the

230

Syed Ahmed Khan,

Government mean to say that they do not trust the
natives of India. Its consequence should be judged
(sic) from the saying, “ If you want us to trust you,
you should also trust us.*’ There ^et exists a wide
gulf between Europeans and the natives of India, and
unless it be filled up, nothing can secure and improve
the prosperity of the country.

Now 1 at once grant that, if anomalies are to be
permitted, we should do well to start corps d*ilite of
native Volunteers. At home every man can become a
Volunteer, and is at once provided with uniform, rifle,
and ammunition. This could not, for obvious reasons, be
the case out here ; and the establishment of native corps
d^dlite of Volunteers would therefore, regarded from
the English point of view, be an anomaly. What I
would advocate would be the selection, by the local
authorities in all large stations in India, of a certain
number of picked native Volunteers — men of good
family, well known for their loyalty — ^to be placed under
the command of the officer commanding the European
Volunteers. I would let them select their own com-
pany officers ; and once started, I would also permit
them to select their own recruits as vacancies occurred.
I throw out the suggestion for what it is worth.

On the 22nd January 1884, Syed Ahmed and party
of three friends left Allygurh to pay a visit to the
Panjab. On the 23rd they arrived at Ludhiana, and
were received by a large crowd of Mohammedan
gentlemen at the station — ^many also having gone out
several stations to meet them. On Syed Ahmed
stepping out of the train, Kadir Bakhsh, extra-Assist-
ant-Commissioner of Ludhiana, put a garland of
flowers round his neck, and many bouquets were given
him, those who could not get near enough to present
them throwing their bouquets to him. The crowd was

yisit tQ Ludhiatia.

231

so great — over 800 people being on the platform — ^that
there was some difficulty in getting into the carriages.
Syed Ahmed and party drove to the house of Nawab
Ally Mahomed Khan Bahadur of Jhajjer, which was
furnished in European fashion. The house was
thronged all day with visitors anxious to get Syed
Ahmed’s opinions on points upon which he was at
variance with other Mohammedans. Conversations
were long and very animated. In the afternoon he
gave a lecture in the Town-hall, which was so crowded
that there was not even standing-room in the veran-
dahs. Syed Ahmed’s lecture and speeches after it
were so impressive that many of the audience wept.
Rs. 1584 were presented to him in aid of his college.
Several powerful speeches in his praise were made by
leading Mohammedans of Ludhiana, and the meeting
did not break up till midnight.

The writer of the account of the trip, Syed Ikbal
Ally, of which what I write is a very brief and con-
densed translation — the account being in Urdu, and
occupying two hundred and eighty-one pages — says,
** When 1 heard these Panjabi Mohammedans holding
forth eloquently in the Panjabi accent as to the neces-
sity of sympathy with us and the elevation of our race,
I was greatly affected and charmed, as this was the
first time I had ever heard educated Panjabis speak.
When they alluded to Syed Ahmed’s age and exhorted
their hearers to strive for the welfare of our race, the
effect on the audience was extraordinary, many having
their eyes full of tears and many weeping outright.
From this day forth there was great liberality and
favour shown to Syed Ahmed.” Numbers of young
and well-educated Mohammedans told him of their
religious doubts, and he, by his arguments, swept their

2^2 Syed Ahmed Khan,

doubts away. Whilst at Ludhiana, a deputation of the
** Islamic Society ” of Jallander, composed of four of
the principal Mohammedans of that place, came over to
meet him, and early on the 24th Syed Ahmed and party
proceeded to Jallander, a very large and sympathetic
assemblage being present at the railway station to see
him off. The deputation accompanied him. On
arriving at the Jallander station there was a large
assemblage to meet Syed Ahmed, and he was loudly
cheered as he got out of his carriage. He thanked
them warmly for his reception, and received a large
number of bouquets. The party drove off to see the
Town-hall, in which it had been decided that Syed
Ahmed should deliver a speech ; but a change had been
made, and it had been decided to have it at the house
of his host Kunr Harnam Sing of Ahluwala. Here
he had many visitors, including Colonel Young, the
Commissioner, Sirdar Bikrma Sing, C.S.I., and the
Rev. Messrs. Wikoff and Golak Nath.

By 4 p.M. thousands of people had assembled in and
around the tent in which he was to address them, and
there was consequently a good deal of confusion. An
address from the Islamic Society welcoming Syed
Ahmed to Jallander was read, but was scarcely audible
owing to the noise going on. The same fate overtook
the reading of the English translation of the address.
An address was then presented to him from the students
of the High School, which even Syed Ahmed could
scarcely hear. He replied to all of these in a long and
eloquent speech, which was greatly applauded. On the
25th he left for Amritser, being seen off by numerous
friends. Several stations out of Amritser, at Kerterpur,
he was met by a number of leading Mohammedans of
Amritser. At the station the sum of Rs.8.9.0 was

Syed Ah$md and the Islamic Sociefy, 233

presented to him for his college by one Ramchander, a
Hindu landowner of Kerterpur, who had raised this
amount amongst the scholars of the village school,
who had subscribed one or two annas each ! Syed
Ahmed gratefully accepted this small contribution, and
told Ramchander that he felt it more than the thousands
presented to the college by wealthy donors. At
Amritser the school students wanted to pull his carriage
from the railway station to his residence, but Syed
Ahmed declined the honour with thanks. There was
an enormous crowd waiting to welcome him. There
had been a correspondence with the Islamic Society
here as to what was to be done. That body wished to
entertain Syed Ahmed, but Syed Ahmed was desirous
that the money that this would cost should be placed
instead at his disposal for the college. The Society
triumphed by getting Syed Ahmed to take the cost of
the entertainment and the entertainment as well ! He
was entertained at the Town-hall at an evening party,
which was crowded with natives and Europeans. On
the 26th he distributed the prizes at the Mohammedan
School, being loudly cheered by the students on his
entrance. In the evening he addressed a large assem-
blage of Mohammedans at the Town-hall, after
receiving an address from the Islamic Society. The
cheering at the close was enthusiastic. Rs. 1500 were
presented to him for the college, and Syed Ahmed,
after thanking them warmly, said that with this money
he would build boarding-quarters, and have inscribed
thereon that they had been built with money presented
by the Islamic Society and the residents of Amritser.
On the 27th he left for Gurdaspur, being escorted to
the station, as usual, by a number of friends. He was
received at the Gurdaspur station with great cheering

234 Syed Ahmed Khan.

and the inevitable address^ to which he replied in
suitable terms. He then drove to the house of his
friend Sirdar Mahomed Hyat Khan Bahadur, C.S.I.
At 4 p.M. he delivered a speech at the school, — mottoes
such as “ Welcome to the Syed,” ” Knowledge is
power,” &c., being amongst the decorations. On the
28th there was a big dinner of European and native
gentlemen at* his host’s house. After dinner an address
from the women of the Pan jab was presented to Syed
Ahmed. His host’s wife had formed a committee in
his honour in recognition of what he had done for his
race, and had got up a separate subscription for him of
Rs.327. Hyat Mahomed Khan then presented the
address and the money, his little girl, who was to have
presented them, having fallen asleep ! Syed Ahmed
made a suitable reply, and said that he would send a
copy of it to each of the lady subscribers. He did so
before reaching Lahore. His host then presented him
with a note for Rs.iooo, and promised Rs.500 more;
and a sum of Rs.819.4.0 was also presented to him
from the residents of Gurdaspur. Syed Ahmed
thanked Mahomed Hyat Khan and the residents most
warmly, and told his host that his donation would go
towards building boarding-quarters which should have
. on them an inscription in honour of his father. There
was an evening-party afterwards, which was largely^
attended by Hindus, Mohammedans, and Europeans.

On the 29th he left for Amritser — the station being
crowded with friends who had come to see him off.
In the afternoon he gave a lecture in the Amritser
Town-hall. On the 30th he left for Lahore, where the
railway station presented an animated appearance,
being densely packed from end to end. A programme
of the details of his visit had been printed and circu-

Revisits AmrUssr — Great Enthusiasm. 235

la ted. Red cloth was laid down for him to pass to his
carriage. He was received with great cheering and
many bouquets. The editor of the native paper,
“ Friend of India, had printed and distributed a
number of copies of his paper containing a portrait and
an account of Syed Ahmed's works. The children of
the Mohammedan schools cheered him lustily. Great
crowds were in the streets, and he was received with
the greatest enthusiasm. The house of the Raja of
Kapur talla was placed at his disposal during his stay.
From early morning to ii p.m. hosts of admiring
visitors came to see him. A large deputation of
Hindus visited him on the 2nd February and presented
him with an address. An evening-party at the
University Hall was given in his honour that evening
by Mr. Parker, Judicial Registrar of the Pan jab, and
was a great success. On the 3rd addresses were
presented to him from the Islamic Society and the
Indian Association, at the Government School. I give
the Association address entire : —

ADDRESS FROM THE INDIAN ASSOCIATION, LAHORE.

To the Honourable
Syed Ahmed Khan Bahadur, C.S.I.

Honourable Sir, — We, the members of the Indian
Association of Lahore, beg to welcome you to our city
with our best wishes and most distinguished senti-
ments.

Your noble exertions to improve the condition of the
Mohammedan population of India, and to diffuse the
blessings of knowledge and enlightenment among them,
and the brilliant success you have been able to achieve
in this direction, mark you out as one of the most
meritorious of our public men, and deservedly entitle
you to the esteem and gratitude of all classes of the Indian
people. Our Association, composed of members of all
races and creeds in this province, have much pleasure

236

Syed Ahmed Khan.

in bearing testimony to the high character of your
services to the public, and in expressing their sense of
the benefits you have conferred on the country.

Not the least remarkable feature of your public career
has been the breadth of your views and your liberal
attitude towards sections of the community other than
your co-religionists. Your conduct throughout has been
stainless of bias or bigotry. The benefits of the noble
educational institution you have established at Allyeurh
are open alike to Hindus as well as Mohammedans.
Our unhappy country is so split up with petty religious
and sectarian jealousies, and has suffered so much in
the past from sectarian and religious dissensions, that
the advent of a man of your large-hearted and liberal
views is a matter of peculiar congratulation at this
time. Long may you be spared to inculcate knowledge
among Mohammedans and Hindus alike, and, by eradi-
cating prejudice and bigotry from their minds, to unite
them in the firm bonds of fraternal union.

Your highly useful career in the Legislative Council
of India can only be touched upon here. Your impar-
tial care for all classes, your manly and faithful repre-
sentation of national views and your vigilant regard for
national interests, while acting in that body, deserve
the warmest acknowledgments from us and our
countrymen.

Again welcoming you to Lahore, and hoping that
the pleasure of your visit may often be renewed, and
that your noble efforts may be crowned with success,
we remain, your most obedient servants,

Daval SiNOH, President.
&c. &c. &c.

In the course of his reply, Syed Ahmed laid great
stress on the desirability of greater union between the
two races — Hindus and Mohammedans — and said that
in Council his efforts were always for them both as a
nation. On this the ** Tribune remarked : —

The Honourable Syed Ahmed Khan, C.S.I., was
here. He left this on Monday last. His visit to this
place deserves more than a passing notice on account
of certain utterances which deserve the careful consider-

Th€ Syed R$Pius io the Address of Welcome. 337

ation of all our countrymen. We have all along^
pointed out the great desirability of establishing more
friendly and intimate relations between the Hindus and
Mohammedans than now exist. They should not only
love anc^ embrace each other as brothers, but they
should also, if they want this country to rise to its
ancient glory once again, become fused into one nation.
The latter, however, must be the work of generations ;
the former is unquestionably the easier of the two, and
can be accomplished in less time.

It would help us little now to insist on the exclusive
privileges of either the Hindu or the Mohammedan. It
is a fact that there are in India about 200 millions of
Hindus and about 50 millions of Mohammedans, and
this fact cannot be ignored. Religious prejudices are
the great stumbling-block in the way of brotherly
feeling between the two mighty sections of the people ;
but liberal thought and liberal training have been at
work, and we have already seen many apostles among
the Hindus who have made it the mission of their life
to preach the development of that feeling. The
Mohammedans are more conservative in this respect,
and it therefore gives us infinite pleasure to find that
there is at least one great man among them who does
not yield to any one in large-minded patriotism.

We heartily welcome his words, which we do not
often hear from the lips of our Mohammedan com-
patriots. The example set by the Syed is worthy of
imitation, not only by men of his own creed, but even
by Hindus. We trust it will be largely followed.

He was presented with Rs.1380 by the Association,
and with Rs.2074 by the Islamic’ Society and residents
of Lahore. Early on the 4th February he was cn route
to Jallander, where he was the guest of Sirdar Bikrma
Sing. That evening he made a long speech in the
large hall at his host’s house, and was enthu^stically
cheered. An address was then read to him from the
young men of Jallander, to which he replied. He left
the same night by rail for Patialla, and reached the
station of Najpura, the nearest to Patialla, the next

238 Syed Ahmed Khan.

morning. He was received by several of the Maharaja’s
high officials, and the party left shortly after fcwr
Patialla in two carriages-and-four. His visit to Patialla
was to his friends the Prime Minister Wazir ud l>ow 1 a
Mudabbir ul Mulk Khalifa Syed Mahomed Hassan
Khan, and Mushir ud Dowla Mumtaz ul Mulk Khalifa
Syed Mahomed Hussain Khan. Shortly before reach-
ing Patialla they were seen approaching, and soon the
carriages stopped, and their occupants alighted and
greeted each other. Re-entering the carriages, they
soon reached their host’s palace. The writer of the
account of the journey says : “I was greatly astonished
at seeing a picture here, in which Syed Ahmed is shown
leaning against a tree on the sea-shore, with the late
lamented Sir Salar Jang standing not far off. The sea
is stormy, and the waves are running high; and a ship
— dismasted — is shown crowded with people, and on
the point of sinking. Several of the passengers have
jumped into the sea, and are swimming towards the
shore. A boat is trying to pick them up, and on its
flag is written ** One lac of rupees.” Syed Ahmed is
represented as saying “ Not sufficient.” An angel
from heaven is on his shoulder, and he is pointing to
Sir Salar Jang, with the words, ’’ Look to this noble
man ! ” 1 did not understand the meaning of this

allegory, but was told by the Prime Minister that it
had been painted to illustrate the condition of the
Mohammedan College, and the appeal for help by
Syed Ahmed to Sir Salar Jang when his college fund
amounted to only a lac of rupees.”

Syed Ahmed stayed two days at Patialla, and col-
lected Rs. 256 for the college. On the 6th he left for
Mozaifernagger, where he stayed with Nawab
Mahomed Ishak Khan, the first Mohammedan assist-

Salar Jang Visits ths Coilegs, 239

ant in the North-West Provinces Civil Service. On
the 7th he received addresses at the school, and replied
at length. Rs. 196 were given him for the college.
He left the same evening for Allygurh. So ended his
** Mid-Lothian campaign ’* in the Pan jab.

Towards the end of this month Sir Alfred Lyall,
Lieutenant-Governor North-West Provinces, enter-
tained their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess
of Connaught in his own and the Viceroy’s camp at
Agra, the latter being lent for the occasion. There
were races, dinners, a splendid ball to the Duke and
Duchess, and an evening party at the Lieutenant-
Governor’s. At the latter Syed Ahmed was presented
to the Duke, and he afterwards came over to my tent
in the camp, I having left the evening party early. We
talked till the small hours, and in the course of a con-
versation on Egypt, he said, “ Our position in Egypt
reminds me of the story of the man who lived by pick-
ing up flotsam and jetsam on the Indus. One day he
was sitting with some of his friends, when he saw
something black floating down the river which looked
like a black blanket. He swam out and seized it, but
found, to his horror, that it was a black bear, which
at once hugged him. The man struggled hard, but
could not escape, and was going down, when his
friends saw his struggles, and thinking that the
blanket was too heavy for him, called out to him to
let it go. “ All very well,” cried the despairing man,
” But the blanket won’t let me go! ” ” England,”

said Syed Ahmed, ” is the man, and Egypt the bear.”

On the 17th October, 1884, Nawab Salar Jang,
Prime Minister of Hyderabad, paid Syed Ahmed a
visit to inspect the college, of which he is a visitor,
as was his lamented and distinguished father. Sir Salar

240

Syed Ahmed Khan.

Jang. I went over for the occasion. That night we
dined quietly at Syed Ahmed’s — the Nawab, who is a
very tall and powerfully framed man of only twenty-
three (Prime Minister, like Pitt, at that early age) — suite
of six, and three Englishmen. The next day, at 4.15 p.m.,
the Nawab drove with his party to the college, where he
was received with cheers by the students. A large number
of European and native gentlemen were present. Syed
Ahmed read the address, and in reply his Excellency
said :

If 1 were to arrogate all the kind things which you
have said of me, 1 should be vain indeed. What you have
said is out of your friendship for me, and I need not assure
you how much I value it. You speak of the decline of
the Mohammedans and their fortunes. Gentlemen it is a
sad story; but it is we ourselves who are mainly res-
ponsible for it, and the remedy you have devised is
the only one for the evils which have come upon us.
1 quite agree with you that it is only the order and
good government of the British power that have made
the success of schemes such as you name possible in
India. It is, then, our duty to be grateful to those
who have enabled us to benefit ourselves and thus im-
prove our condition. The work you have undertaken
is one that cannot fail to have friends and supporters
among all classes in India. As for us Mohammedans,
it is our duty to help it, and see that the fine tree
planted by you bears good fruit. You mention my
father’s services to your institution : it is very kind of
you to do so. Those services were another proof of
his great philanthropy and the good that he did in his
day. Truly, gentlemen, his life was spent in benefiting
others, and his good name is known throughout the
world. What I have seen here — the crowded class-
rooms, the boarding-house, the teaching-staff, the
numerous buildings connected with ^ the college, the
arrangements regarding board, lodging, and instruc-
tion — are all worthy of the highest praise; but as in
enterprises of such moment the stronger the sinews of
war the greater always the chances of success, I think

The Nawab's Speech.

241

it but right that, seeing the good work you have done,

I should announce to you here the resolution of his
Highness the Nizam’s Government to increase the
endowment from Hyderabad by Rs. 3,000 a-year. I
have no doubt that when I return to Hyderabad and
represent to my sovereign and master what I have
seen and heard here, his Highness, who takes great
interest in matters of education, will confirm the grant.

I shall conclude my reply with the wish that this insti-
tution may become a great seat of learning in India,
and that its founder may live long enough to see the
results of the good he has done, and gather with his
own hands the fruit of the tree he has planted.

The Nawab’s speech was enthusiastically applauded
by the students. In the evening about fifty English
and Mohammedan gentlemen dined with the members
of the College Committee in the Salar Manzil (so
named after Sir Salar Jang), the dining-hall of the
college, to meet his Excellency Salar Jang. The road
up to the hall was illuminated. After dinner, the
healths of the Queen- Empress, Lord Ripon, and the
Nizam were proposed and heartily received. The Hon.
Justice Mahmud* then proposed the health of the guest
of the evening as follows : —

Gentlemen, I rise on behalf of the Mohammedan
Anglo-Oriental College Committee, of which 1 have the
honour of being a member, to propose a toast, which,
judging by my own feelings, will, 1 am sure, be heartily
received. 1 wish to propose the health of our dis-
tinguished guest, his Excellency Nawab Ahmed-as-
Saltanat Salar Jang Bahadur, who has honoured the
college with a visit. I feel sure that there is no one
round this table who does not feel the significance of
to-night. Gentlemen, people of different races ^ and
creeds are assembled here to-night to welcome an illus-
trious guest, and the event has to us, friends and sup-

^Mahmud came and aat by me who had taken a seat far away
from Sir Salar Jang, and on my asking him why he did so, he said :
** Because I want to be near my friend.’*

P

242 Syed Ahmed Khan.

porters of the college, a mark of special importance.
Not many years ago some of our number, feeling the
importance which education must necessarily possess
in every country, co-operated with hearts full of hope
to provide means for the education of the younger
members of the Mohammedan community, who had by
a combination of causes fallen behind the age. Our
endeavours began among difficulties such as can be
understood fully only by those who are acquainted
with the inner conditions of Mohammedan life in
British India. We were British subjects endeavouring
to make our community worthy citizens by inspiring
them with a desire to prepare the younger generation
for being worthy subjects of the British empire. The
difficulties are fully known to ourselves; but we felt
that our endeavours could never be crowned with suc-
cess without the help of men of our own race and
creed, whose prominence in the commonwealth would
carry greater weight than any endeavours of our own
could possibly claim. It was then that the illustrious
father of our honoured guest gave us a helping hand
by assisting us not only with money, but with that
which we appreciate and prize much higher — his
genuine sympathy for the cause of Mohammedan
education. It would be out of place here to say any-
thing in connection with the administrative reforms
which Sir Salar Jang introduced in Hyderabad; but I
think 1 may say with confidence, that among the
glorious deeds which will keep him illustrious in his-
tory, his interest in the cause of education and enlight-
enment will not be the least significant. It was due to
that interest that the College Committee won the
sympathy of the greatest Indian administrator of
the time, illustrious as a governor, distinguished
not only among the Mohammedans, but also
among people of other races. Our distinguished
guest to-night — a son and successor of an illus-
trious administrator — ^has,* in inheriting the rank and
position of his noble ancestor, inherited also what
we, as you may well imagine, appreciate deeply — ^a
genuine interest in the cause of education. 1 will say
nothing in connection with the magnificent increase of
endowment which his Excellency, in reply to our
address, announced to-day; but I think we have the

Th 4 Hon. JusHci Mahmuds Speech, 243

privilege of saying, even in his Excellency’s presence,
that his visit to us will live as a historical event in the
annals of this college. Gentlemen, our college is an
institution which has for its aim and ambition the pro-
motion of education among Mohammedans— education
which we hope will make them worthy subjects of the
British Crown; and it is to us a matter of special satis-
faction that the long subsisting friendship which has
existed between the Government of the Queen-Empress
and the Hyderabad State has been evinced in our case
by the pecuniary help and genuine sympathy which we
have received from his Highness the Nizam’s Govern-
ment. As British subjects we owe allegiance to the
British Crown; but in connection with a matter like
education, which has a permanent bearing upon the
progress of the empire, I feel — ^and I think his Excel-
lency will agree with me — ^the two Governments have
common interests. The presence here to-night of
people of different races and religions is in itself to us
a mark of the interest which education has, and must
necessarily have, in connection with the progress of
India. And, gentlemen, I am sure that, meeting here
as we have done round the same table in honour of
our distinguished guest, you will agree with me in the
feeling that his Excellency the Nawab— who, with his
great responsibilities, has, I am sure we all hope, a
long career before him — may follow the example of his
illustrious father, and help the cause of enlightenment,
of security and public welfare, which, even in the most
trying times, proved true to the interests of the empire
of the Queen-Empress. Gentlemen, I ask you to drink
to the health of his Excellency Nawab Salar Jang, with
all good wishes for his long life and prosperity, with
the heartiness of the feeling which animates me at the
present moment.

The toast was drunk with enthusiasm. The Nawab
replied as follows

Mr. President and gentlemen, 1 thank you most sin-
cerely for the kind manner in which you have pro-
posed and received my health. 1 should have felt
myself unworthy of the honour you have done me to-
night, had 1 not felt that in honouring me you were

244

Syed Ahmed Khan.

honouring the memory of my illustrious father. Of
him it may be truly said that his good deeds have not
been interred with his bones. Wherever I go, and
whichever way I turn, I am greeted with witnesses
of his greatness and the good name he has left behind
him, and they are to me an unfailing source of support
and encouragement. Thus I receive the handsome
tribute you have paid to his memory as another ad-
monition to me to follow in his footsteps. You have
spoken of the help rendered by my father to this insti-
tution in connection with the friendly relations that
subsist between his Highness and the paramount
Power. Gentlemen, history has developed itself won-
derfully during the last fifty years. Every native prince
and native ruler is beginning to think himself a part
and parcel of the empire, which, I sincerely believe,
has a great destiny before it. Our progress and our
prosperity are bound up with the progress and pros-
perity of the empire. In helping, therefore, an institu-
tion like the one you have founded here, my father
was only helping the good of the empire, which is the
good of all of us who form part of it. This is the view
1 take of all philanthropic undertakings, in whatever
part of India they may be started, and my (pinion is
founded on true patriotism, and a just estimate of our
position in contemporary history. In going over the
college and grounds yesterday, 1 could not help won-
dering at the speed with which your institution has
developed itself. Undertakings of this kind are neces-
sarily of slow growth, but the progress you have made
needs to be seen in order to be believed. I have seen
the colleges at the great seats* of learning in England,
and your institution, I venture to say, has got in it the
same element that has led to their greatness and re-
nown. The ground we are treading to-day will, I have
no doubt, in some no distant future become classic
ground; and it is not at all chimerical to imagine that
under the shade of the fine trees you have planted, some
Indian Bacon will one day formulate thoughts that are
destined to change our philosophy, some Indian New-
ton will evolve problems which will revolutionise our
science. While thanking you again for the honour you
have done me to-night, 1 shall ask you to drink the
health of our esteemed friend Syed Ahmed Khan,

Nawab Salar Jang' s Speech.

245

coupled with that of prosperity to the college. His
services to his country and to his Government are too
well known to need any comment; and long after those
present here are dead and gone, the Mohammedan
College at Allygurh will stand a living witness of his
philanthropy.

Syed Ahmed replied in a short but feeling speech,
and was warmly cheered when he sat down. Of the
Nawab Salar Jang I may here repeat what I said of
him in the “ Pioneer ” : “ The impression left by the
young Prime Minister — he is only three-and-twenty —
is a most pleasing one. Of a commanding presence,
courteous and self-possessed, he has inherited the
qualities and manner which, for more than a quarter
of a century, made the late Sir Salar Jang so great
a favourite, not only with those in 'high position, but
with the European community at large.*’ After dinner,
on my asking the Nawab for his speech, he said he
had no copy, but he asked me to go with him into the
dining-hall, which by that time was nearly clear, saying
that he would dictate it to me there. As 1 thought
tnere was too little time to allow of my doing so, the
Nawab having to start for Hyderabad by a train leav-
ing shortly after, 1 said so; upon which he said he
would telegraph it to me from Cawnpore. After some
conversation 1 left him, and found afterwards that, on
my leaving him, he had at once got a friend of mine
to go into the dining-room with him, dictated his
speech, and had it duly taken down. His last words
to me as 1 saw him into his carriage were, “ Remem-
ber, Mr. Bullock, RC.S., has it.” I got it in due course.

On the 1 8 th November the Viceroy, Lord Ripon,
paid Syed Ahmed a flying visit en route from Simla to
Agra. Syed Ahmed asked me to be present, and I
went over on the evening of the 17 th. The Viceroy

246

Syed Ahmed Khan,

reached Allygurh about mid-day on the i8th, and was
received by all the officials and principal native gentle*
men. He drove at once to the college, where he was
received by the Hon. Justice Mahmud, in Cambridge
cap and gown, and Mr. Theodore Beck, the able Prin*
cipal of the College (late President of the Cambridge
University Union Society), also in Cambridge cap and
gown, and the members of the College Committee.
His lordship went over the whole of the college, and
was evidently struck with what he saw. An episode
afterwards occurred, and Lord Ripon received ao
honour that has never yet been bestowed upon any
former Viceroy. The party had to cross an open space
to get to the Strachey HalL in which his Excellency
was to receive an address; and a number of native
gentlemen came forward begging to be allowed ta
carry his lordship across in a tonjoHf or species ol
sedan-chair. This was equivalent to their taking the
horses out of his carriage and dragging the carriage
themselves. Lord Ripon consented, and was duly car*
ried across in state, the native gentlemen having their
hands on all round the ionjon^ which was,, however^
really carried by stalwart bearers in red uniform.

In the Strachey Hall, Lord Ripon received an ad*
dress from the Committee of the college, and rep!ie<f
in due course. The ** Pioneer said of this occa^
sion : —

Of Lord Ripon*s many public appearances during
the last fortnight, his visit to the Mohammedan Anglo-
Oriental College at Allygurh last Tuesday, is in many
respects the most important. We publish below the
full text of his Excellency’s speech on the occasion, as
well as the address present^ him on behalf of the
college, in itself a remarkable document, which ran as
follows : —

Address of ColUge CommitUe to Lord Ripon, 347

“ We the members of the Mohammedan Anglo-
Oriental College Committee, approach your Excellency
with feelings of sincere gratitude for the honour which
your lordship has conferred upon us to-day by visiting
the scene of our humble labours to promote the cause
of education among the Mohammedan community.
Upon an occasion so auspicious, we feel that it will not
be out of place to mention briefly the origin of the
movement which has resulted in the foundation of the
college, the progress which the institution has made,
and the prospects it has in the future.

** Among the numerous blessings which the British
rule has conferred upon India, we are convinced there
is none which can rank higher than the inauguration
of a system of education based upon Western methods,
and having for its aim the moral and intellectual pro-
gress of the native population. The educational policy
adopted by the Government of India about half a cen-
tury ago— a policy with which the great name of Lord
Macaulay will always be associated — was emphasised
in 1854, and has since produced results which find no
parallel in the history of the world. For never before
in the history of mankind has there been a spectacle
like the British rule in India, where, along with the
establishment of peace, the administration of justice,
the introduction of the ordinary comforts of civilised
life, one of the main principles of Government is to
promote education and to advance enlightenment
among a vast population whom Providence has placed
under the administration of statesmen of a foreign
race and creed. Impressed with the stupendous signifi-
cance of these facts, and seeing the progress which,
in consequence, the various races in India were
making, some of the members of the Mohammedan
community could not help observing, with feelings of
regret and anxiety, the painful circumstance that their
own coreligionists did not adequately participate in the
great benefits which the system of State education
impartially offered to the various sections of her
Majesty’s subjects in British India. It is happily no
longer necessary for us to dwell upon the lamentable
causes which have prevented our coreligionists from
fully availing themselves of the education imparted in
Government colleges and schools; but it is impossible.

Sy§d Ahmtd Khan,

J48

in connection with the history of this college, to refrain
from a passing allusion to the special condition of our
community, the socio-political traditions of our race,
the religious feelings and national prejudices which for
so long operated as obstacles to the advancement of
European thought and appreciation of English educa-
tion among our co-religionists. Those were obstacles
which were beginning to assume inordinate magnitude,
according as time advanced and the progress made by
the other classes of her Majesty’s Indian subjects threw
back the Mohammedan population in the race of life,
by making them less worthy of citizenship of the
empire. Aware of the existing state of things, appre-
hensive of the dangers which threatened the future of
our race in India, ^nd anxious to make the growing
generation of Mohammedans worthy of British citizen-
ship — loyal and useful subjects of the British Crown —
some of the members of our community formed them-
selves into a Committee to investigate and ascertain
the exact causes which operated to produce such
unsatisfactory effects on the social, political, and
economical condition of the Mohammedan community
in India. Among other measures taken by the Com-
mittee, they offered prizes for essays on the subject of
Mohammedan education. No less than thirty-two
essays were sent to them ; and as the result of their
final deliberations, the Committee came to the conclu-
sion that the foundation of a college, independent in its
internal organisation and management calculated to
meet the educational needs of the Mohammedan com*
munity in particular, was absolutely necessary to give
practical effect to the conclusions at. which they had
arrived. With this object in view, the Mohammedan
Anglo-Oriental College Fund Committee was formed in
the year 1871, for the* purpose of collecting subscrip-
tions to raise necessary funds for founding the pro-
posed institution. They publicly declared that one of
the main objects of the proposed college was to bring a
knowledge of European science and literature home to
the Mohammedans of India, and to combine religious
with secular education in a manner which they regarded
was not practicable in any institution maintained solely
by the State. To the masses of the Mohammedan
population the idea of the introduction of European

Address Continued.

249

methods of thought into the minds of the growing
generation of their race appeared as an unwelcome
departure from their old and traditional attitude of mind,
and our endeavours at the outset were met with an
opposition which, though not unexpected by us, seemed
no doubt formidable. Whilst our early endeavours
were beset with difficulties raised by our own jco-reli-
gionists, we had, though we would fain forget it, no
uniform sympathy at that time from persons in local
authority, whose cordial sympathy might have facili-
tated our task in a large measure. The friends and
supporters of the movement, however, continued their
endeavours with firmness and patience, and their efforts
were crowned with speedy success. Whilst subscrip-
tions were being collected from our own countrymen in
various parts of India, foremost among those in high
position who came forward to countenance the move-
ment was your Excellency’s predecessor, Lord North-
brook, whose handsome donation of Rs. 10,000 forms
an endowment devoted to scholarships called after his
name. Sir William Muir, at the time Lieutenant-
Governor of these Provinces, and Sir John Strachey,
who soon after succeeded him in that high office, also
personally helped us with munificent donations, and
showed sympathy towards our undertaking, — a sym-
pathy which went far to remove those suspicions as to
the exact nature of the movement which the novelty of
our endeavours had unhappily aroused in some quar-
ters. With such funds as we were able to raise in four
years, we opened classes for elementary education in
1875 f on the 8th of January 1877, the foundation-
stone of the college buildings was laid by Lord Lytton,
who at our humble request graciously consented to
preside at the ceremony. Since that time we have
expended about Rs. 182,000 on buildings, and the
progress which we have made encourages us to hope
that the day is not far off when we shall be in posses-
sion of funds to complete all the projected buildings.
Our annual income during the current year approxi-
mates Rs. 44,000, and will increase during the next year
by at least Rs. 3,000, which is the increase of endow-
ment recently announced on behalf of the Hyderabad
State by his Excellency Nawab Salar Jang on the occa-
sion of his recent visit to the college. Our income

Syed Ahmed Khan.

250

next year is thus expected to amount to nearly
Rs.47,000 ; but our full scheme would require an annual
income of Rs. 60,000, and it is to the public generosity
that we look for further endowments. The past
encourages us to hope that that generosity will not be
found wanting in the future. And it is here that we
crave your lordship’s permission to mention the names
of a few of our benefactors whose liberality has
afforded us pecuniary aid and given encouragement to
our undertaking. The Earl of Lytton, who during his
stay in India was pleased to take a personal interest in
our college, generously gave us pecuniary help which
proved valuable to us in time of need, and his name
will always be associated with the college as one of its
early benefactors. To the benevolence of the Govern-
ment we are indebted for the greater portion of the
spacious grounds upon which the college buildings have
been erected ; and the generosity of the State, which
began in 1875 with Rs. 4,200 per annum as grant-in-aid,
has now, under the administration of our present
Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Alfred Lyall, been increased
to Rs. 12,000. From English friends, both in England
and in India, the college has received pecuniary help,
which we have deeply appreciated and highly valued as
a guarantee of the sympathy which we sincerely hope
will, with the advance of education, grow between the
ruling race and the people of India. Conspicuous
among our Hindu supporters is the name of the late
Maharajah of Patialla, whose magnificent endowment
heads the list, which includes the names of the Mahara-
jahs of Benares and Vizianagram, and many other
liberal-minded Hindu gentlemen who have favoured
our cause. The difference of race and creed has not
deterred them from helping us ; and it is a matter of
especial gratification to us that among oiir Hindu
supporters we have the name of that philanthropic lady,
Maharani Surnomoyee. By far the greater portion of
our funds and endowments is, however, naturally
derived from members of our own race and creed.
Foremost among them will always stand the name of
the late Sir Salar Jang, whose untimely death is
lamented by us as a great blow to the cause of the
spread of education, enlightenment, and civilisation
among the Mohammedans of India. His name will

Address Continued.

25*

live and remain illustrious in history » and distinguished
among the munificent benefactors of this college. To
his Highness the Nizamis Government we are indebted
for a princely donation, besides the endowment of
Rs. 6,000 per annum, which has quite recently been
increased to Rs. 9,000 per annum, as was announced to
us by the present enlightened Minister of Hyderabad.
His Highness the Nawab of Rampur has also liberally
helped us with a generous hand. The names of other
prominent co-religionists in aM parts of India who have
heartily joined our endeavours and come forward with
pecuniary help, are too numerous to be enumerated
here ; but among the raises living in the vicinity of
A Uygur h we may mention the names of Koer Lutf Ali
Khan of Talignagar, Rajah Bakar Ali Khan, C.I.E.,
of Pindrawal, Mahomed Enayatullah Khan of Bhikam-
pur, and Mahomed Ismail Khan of Datauli, all of whom
have shown a warm appreciation of the cause of educa-
tion among our community.

“ My lord, we have recounted these facts because we
are proud to feel that the principle of self-help is still
in some measure alive in our community, because we
are anxious to give public expression to the feeling of
loyalty and gratitude with which the help and sympathy
of Government in our undertaking have inspired us,
also because we cannot forget how much we are
indebted to public genero^ty for the success which our
humble endeavours have lutherto attained. Our sub-
scription was opened in 1871 ; in 187^ we opened the
school with only eleven students on the rolls, and an
income of Rs*5,50o per annum. In January 1877 the
foundation-stone of the college was laid ; and soon after
the standard of instruction was raised, the college, by
gradual steps, was affiliated to the Calcutta University,
and for the last two years we have educated up to the
standard of the degree of Bachelor of Arts. During
this period our annual income has risen to nearly
Rs. 44,000 ; the number of our students has risen to
270, and 96 of them have at various times succeeded
in the examinations of the Calcutta University. But
training for university examinations is not the distin-
guishing feature of the college, for in that respect it
differs but little from other institutions. The college is
the practical outcome of the principle of self-help. It is

252 Syed Ahmed Khan.

maintained under native management, in which the
European members of the college staff afford valuable
co-operation. Its curriculum combines religious with
secular education. The authorities of the college exer-
cise supervision over the personal habits and private
life of the students. Along with intellectual and moral
training, manly sports are encouraged. The system of
boarding-houses renders the institution available to
students from distant parts of the country. And we
are proud to feel that no institution in India exercises
its influence over a vaster area of the country than this
seat of education. The college is the outcome of
national feeling, — it aims at supplying the educational
needs and meeting the religious wishes of the Moham-
medan community at large ; and we have on our rolls
students whom the special benefits of our institution
have attracted from distant places — such as Peshawar
in the north, Hyderabad and Mysore in the south,
Calcutta and Patna in the east, and Katiawar in the
west. It has been our aim to render the college as far
as possible similar in principle to the system on which
the public schools of England and the colleges at the
Universities of Cambridge and Oxford are based ; and
one of the special features of the institution is to
prepare students for completing their education in
England. Five of our students have already proceeded
to England for education ; two of them have taken
honours at the University of Cambridge : and the con-
nection which we have thus established with the educa-
tional system of England will, we hope, grow much
closer in time ; and we look forward to the day when
the intellectual vigour and moral influence of the centres
of learning in England will be appreciably felt by the
Mohammedan community in India. My lord, we feel
that to compare this college with the educational institu-
tions of England is to compare small things with great.
But the greatest educational institutions in England had
at one time a small beginning, and the glorious success
which they have achieved encourages us to hope that
Providence may bless our endeavours with success
similar to that which it has bestowed upon the philan-
thropic efforts of those who founded the great colleges
of Oxford and Cambridge. The British rule in India
has united a vast and multifarious population under one

Address Continued,

253

sceptre ; and the peace, toleration, and security which
it has established, furnish an ample basis for the Intel*
lectual and moral progress of the various peoples
inhabiting this vast continent. Among them the
Mohammedan community is slowly but steadily freeing
itself from those illusory traditions of the past which
hampered them in the race of life and made them
unworthy subjects of the British Crown. The founders
of this college have before them the aim of extending
their scheme to places other than Allygurh. For the
purposes of higher education this college will continue
to supply the special needs of the Mohammedan popu-
lation ; but for primary education the friends and
supporters of the college intend to induce their co-reli-
gionists in various parts of India to establish schools
to prepare young students for the higher classes of the
college. Some day, when our endowments are richer
and our schemes are completed, we hope to be in a
position to ask the great representative in India of her
Majesty the Queen-Empress to confer upon us the
legal status of an independent university.

“ My lord, if we dwell upon the future prospects of
this institution, it is because we are convinced that
nothing can be achieved without hope, that nothing
great can be accomplished without high aspirations.
The aspirations of the founders of this college are
purely educational, but from education spring those
social, political, and economical blessings which civili-
sation brings in its train. The time has happily passed
when the Mohammedans of India looked upon their
condition as hopeless, when they regarded the past
with feelings of mournful sorrow. Their hopes are
now inclined to the prospects of the future : their
hearts, full of loyalty to the rule of the Queen-Empress,
aspire to finding distinction and prominence among the
various races of the vast empire over which her
Majesty holds sway. It is to help the realisation of
these aspirations that this college has been founded,
and we fervently hope that among the results which
may flow from our system of education, not the least
important will be the promotion of friendly feelings of
social intercourse and interchange of amenities of life
between the English community in India and the
Mohammedan population. The distinctions of race,

«54

Syed Ahmed Khan.

language, and creed have unhappily combined, with
other less natural causes, to maintain an immiscibility
of character amoug the various sections of the popula-
tion of India. But we are convinced that the progress
of education will mitigate those causes ; that with the
advance of general enlightenment, civilisation will fur-
nish a common platform of social intercourse ; that race
distinctions will sink into insignificance ; and, regard-
less of petty considerations, the Englishman and the
native will unite with equal loyalty and equal patriotism
to advance the peace, the prosperity, and general
welfare of the great Indian empire. India owes it to
the noble and magnanimous policy which your Excel-
lency inaugurated, the real steps towards the attainment
of the great aims to which we have referred. It does
not befit us, in the capacity in which we approach your
Excellency to-day, to speak of the great effect upon
peace, progress, and prosperity which your Excel-
lency’s noble endeavours will have upon the future
welfare of the people of India. With matters purely
political or purely administrative we are only but
indirectly concerned. But concerned as we are with
education in particular, wc claim it as our right, and
we value it as our privilege, to express even in your
lordship’s presence those feelings of deep appreciation
and loyal gratitude with which the people of India will
always regard the measures which your Excellency’s
Administration has adopted in connection with the
great subject of education. The late Commission
appointed to investigate and report upon the results
which the educational policy of Government had pro-
duced during a period of more than a quarter of a
century, the searching inquiry which the Commission
instituted, the principles of future policy which your
Excellency’s Government has recently announced, will
live in the history of India and the hearts of her people
as one of the many illustrious facts of your Excellency’s
Viceroyalty of India. To us, the friends and supporters
of the cause of education among Mohammedans, your
Excellency’s personal munificence in contributing to the
funds of this college will remain a lasting memorial of
that generosity and large-heartedness with which the
people of India have learnt to credit the nobility and
gentry of the distant land of Great Britain. Your

Address Continued, 255

Excellency’s visit to-day will ever be a historical event
in the annals of our college, and a magnificent illustra-
tion of the sympathy which the British rule and the
great statesmen who guide its affairs have shown
towards the spread of enlightenment and civilisation in
India. But with all that we feel about the past, with
all that we feel about the present, with all the hopes
and aspirations which animate us about the future, we
feel, and feel in common with the millions that inhabit
the British empire in India, a feeling of deep and heart-
felt sorrow at yohr lordship’s approaching departure
from India. That the teeming millions that inhabit
India have a great future before them, greater even
than the most glorious days of their past — that that
future will be the outcome of the noble efforts which
the British rule is making in their behalf— cannot be
doubted by any but those who are unacquainted with
the history of mankind. The British rule in India is
the most wonderful phenomenon in the history of the
world, and the guidance of its great principles a task
beset with difficulties of no ordinary moment. With
those difficulties your lordship’s Administration had to
contend. But the lapse of time or the vicissitudes of
administrative policy will be equally powerless to
obliterate the great and noble principles, the recogni-
tion of which your lordship’s Administration has
secured for this country. Your Excellency’s name will
remain illustrious in the history of India as one of the
greatest benefactors of the Indian people ; but even
more illustrious than the record of history, will live
impressed upon the living hearts of living millions the
recollection of an Administration magnanimous in its
policy, philanthropic in its aims, and having justice as
its sole guide amid contending interests and conflicting
claims.

“ My lord, while thanking you for the honour which
you have conferred upon us to-day, and the sympathy
which you have evinced towards our humble efforts in
behalf of education, we cannot refrain from expressing
a heartfelt hope that, notwithstanding the disseverance
of your Excellency’s connection with the Government
of India, your lordship will continue to take an interest
in the destinies of her people ; and we fervently pray
to the Almighty Creator of all nations, that the career

256

Syed Ahmed Khan.

of distinction which is still open to you may be distin-
guished with long life, health, and prosperity.

His Excellency the Viceroy then rose, and spoke as
follows : —

Gentlemen, 1 can assure you that it is a great
pleasure to me to have been able to visit this interesting
institution upon the present occasion, and to have
received from you so cordial a greeting. My attention
has long been called to this college, and I have watched
its progress with much interest. To-day I have had
the honour of actually seeing the buildings which have
been erected and the work which is going on here ; and
I have been greatly gratified to observe the progress
which has already been made, the comforts which you
have provided for your students, and the ample means
of instruction which you have placed at their disposal.
The success which has up to this time attended your
efforts is to me a source of great satisfaction, not only
because of the interest which I have long taken in this
college on account of its connection with my esteemed
friend Syed Ahmed, whose acquaintance 1 had the
pleasure of making on my first arrival in India, but also
because I see in that success a proof of what can be
done in this country in the matter of education by the
power of private enterprise and individual personal
influence ; for I am strongly convinced that it is only
by private munificence and private management supple-
menting the efforts of the Government that we can
hope to solve the difficult and important problem of
public education in India in a complete and thorough
manner.

You, gentlemen, have said in your address that self-
help is still alive in your community. You cannot
have a better augury of the success which is likely to
attend your efforts. You tell me that one of the main
objects of the founders of this institution was to com-
bine religious and secular education. With that object,
as I think you know, I heartily sympathise ; for I hold
the belief, which is not perhaps very common in these
days, that the division between those two branches of
education which go by the name of religious and secular
is altogether an artificial division, and that a complete

Lord RipofCs Reply.

257

education can only be secured by their close and inti-
mate union.

Again, gentlemen, in your address I find mention
made of another object which you have set before you,
with which I most cordially sympathise. You say that
it is one of the special features of this institution to
prepare students for completing their education in
England. To my mind that is a very great object of
public and political importance. The more able and
intelligent young men from India can be induced to go
to England to complete their education there in the
schools and universities of that country, the better both
for India and for England. Those who go there will
learn what are the true sentiments of the English
people towards the people of India, and I venture to
assure them that they will find them friendly and sym-
pathetic ; while Englishmen will derive much benefit
from knowing what are the abilities, the feelings, and
the aspirations of educated natives of this country.

Gentlemen, I have derived great pleasure from the
manner in which you have spoken at the beginning of
this address with respect to the educational policy of
the British Government. Your words are well worth
repeating, and therefore I will read them again. You
say : “ The educational policy adopted by the Govern-
ment of India about half a century ago— a policy with
which the great name of Lord Macaulay will always be
associated — was emphasised in 1854, and has since
produced results which find no parallel in the history of
the world. For never before in the history of mankind
has there been a spectacle like the. British rule in India,
where, along with the establishment of peace, tht*
administration of justice, the introduction of the ordi-
nary comforts of civilised life, one of the main princi-
ples of Government is to promote education and to
advance enlightenment among a vast population whom
Providence has placed under the administration of
statesmen of a foreign race and creed.** That descrip-
tion of the British policy in this country is, I am proud
to think, a just description, and there is no part of our
administration in this great peninsula upon which we
may more fairly rest our claim to the thanks of the
people of India. It is indeed, gentlemen, as you
remark, a striking spectacle — ^unique, I believe, in

Q

Syed Ahmed Khan.

^58

history — that a Government such as the English
Government in this country should deliberately and of its
own free will conduct its administration under the
criticism of a free press, and that it should make it one
of its chief objects to promote to the widest possible
extent the education of all classes of the people. That
England should have done, and should be doing this, is,
to my mind, one of her highest titles to honour among
the nations of the world, and one which 1 earnestly
hoi^ she will never forfeit. Gentlemen, the work
which has been done during the last thirty or forty
years in India iir the matter of secondary and higher
education must not on any account be slackened— on
the contrary, it must be extended and developed to the
utmost, and with that view we must call in to help in
that great work all agencies of every description ; and
I see in the success of this institution the hope and the
promise that that assistance will be given to the
Government by private munificence and religious zeal.
But it is not only for the instruction of the higher and
the middle classes that we have to provide. The bene-
fits of our teaching must nowadays be carried down to
the masses of the population, and it was with the object
of ascertaining how that could best be done that the
Government two years ago appointed an Education
Commission, which has taken a complete survey of the
educational condition of the country, and it is naturally
to that object that the resolution which we have recently
issued has mainly been directed.

What we mean is, that in consequence of those cir-
cumstances your position in regard to this great ques-
tion is somewhat special and peculiar, and that there-
fore we are prepared, in applying the general principles
of our educational policy, which must be alike for all,
to your community, to consider how far the application
which we make of them should in any degree be special
and different to that which may be suitable for other
dasses. It is a source of regret to me, gentlemen,
that I have not myself been able to deal with this par-
ticular branch of the question before I leave India.

I was particularly struck at the circumstance men-
tioned in your address that a considerable number of
Hindu chiefs and gentlemen had contributed to^ the
establishment and support of this college. 1 rejoice

Lord Ripon*s Repiy.

^S9

greatly at that circumstance; 1 hold it to be most for*
tunate for the future prospects of India. Foremost
among the names of those who have done so I find
that of the late Maharajah of Patialla, the Maharajah
of Benares, the Maharajah of Vizianagram; and last,
but certainly not least, is found the name of a lady,
the Maharani Surnomoyee. It was doubtless natural
that you should obtain much support from Mohamme-
dan princes, chiefs, and gentlemen, but still I cannot
help expressing my great satisfaction at finding the
cordial interest which is taken in this institution by his
Highness the Nizam. I shall always feel a very deep and
special interest in the prosperity of that young prince,
ne fact that it fell to my lot to install him the other day
and to be the first Viceroy of India who had ever visited
Hyderabad, apart from his owu personal merits, will make
me watch his career with the deepest sympathy. I have
had brought to my notice, gentlemen, the assistance which
has been given In many ways to this institution by
Moulvie Sami-alll Khan, and I am very glad of having
this opportunity of returning liim my own thanks, and I
have no doubt that 1 may return him the thanks of
all present on this occasion for his valuable services
to the College. It would take too long if I were
to go through the roll of those chiefs and gentlemen
who in a lesser degree have aided in this great work,
but I cannot help expressing my great satisfaction at
finding upon the list of your benefactors the names of
some of my most distinguished countrymen — of Lord
Northbrook, Lord Lytton, Sir William Muir, and Sir
John Strachey. Gentlemen, you are all aware that
when Lord Northbrook was lately sent to Egypt he
asked that he might have the assistance upon his staff
of a Mohammedan gentleman from this country. The
Moulvie was selected for that purpose, and I am quite
sure that he discharged ably the duties which were
entrusted to him. But it is not merely for the purpose
of thanking him that I have drawn attention to that
fact. It is that I may ask you to observe the proof
which this circumstance affords to the readiness of the
British Government to employ natives of India outside
their own country upon suitable occasions as opportu-
nity may offer; and 1 would also hope that you will see
in the fact of Lord Northbrook’s desire to have such

Syed Ahmed Khan.

260

assistance, a sign of the confidence which your late
Governor-General learnt while he was in India to place
in the native gentlemen of this country.

Gentlemen, towards the close of your address you
speak in warm and friendly terms of the general char-
acter of my administration. That men so intelligent
and so experienced as those from whom this address
emanates should have for me so favourable an estimate
of the course which I have pursued in India is very
gratifying to me. I cannot, indeed, conceal from my-
self that your friendly sentiments have unduly height-
ened the colours of the picture which you have drawn,
but you have rightly understood the principles by
which I have been guided and the objects at which I
have aimed. Foremost among those objects has been
the desire to promote public education in the fullest
and widest sense of the word — the intellectual, the
political, and the moral education of the people. You,
in your own sphere and manner, are working for the
same great end, supported by all the brilliant memories
of the Mohammedan civilization of the past, and en-
lightened by the wider and more liberal s|drit of modern
times. You are engaged here, I am convinced, upon
a great work of public utility, and therefore it is right
that I, before I lay down my office, should follow the
examples of my predecessors, and should come here
and acknowledge your services and to encourage you
in your labours. I do so most heartily, and I confi-
dently believe that there lies before this institution a
long and shining course of usefulness and success.
Gentlemen, I heartily wish you farewell.’

After the ceremony we drove to Syed Ahmed’s house
where a splendid luncheon was awaiting the Viceroy
and a few guests. Syed Ahmed was on the Viceroy ’s
left, the Hon. Justice Mahmud on Lord Ripon’s right,
and it was to me, who had known the former as a
subordinate judge in the small station of Ghazipore,
and the latter as a boy at school, a right pleasant sight
to see father and son in such honourable positions.
There is not another family in India, and there is not
likely again to be one, that has had a father in Council

Th€ yicerq^s Departure.

261

and a son a Judge of the High Court at one and the
same time. As Lord Ripon had still to receive several
of the hundreds of addresses which poured in upon
him during his journey from Simla to Calcutta and
Bombay, the luncheon was more hurried than those
who are fond of the good things of this life, including
pomphret and oysters from Bombay, and dry cham-
pagne, quite relished. But a Viceroy’s time is not his
own, and the public convenience has to be attended to,
so we all drove off to the hall of the Scientific Society,
of which Syed Ahmed and I are Life Honorary Secre-
taries, where the Viceroy and party were photographed,
and the addresses were read. The Viceroy left soon
after for Agra, amid a roar of cheers from the vast
crowd of natives assembled to see him off. Syed
Ahmed was not one of the least vigorous of the
cheerers. 1 have seen seven Viceroys — Lords Canning,
Elgin, Lawrence, Mayo, Northbrook, Lytton, and
Ripon— come and go, and certainly none of them have
evoked such general enthusiasm and regard from the
native community as the last. To those at home who
are interested in India, 1 would recommend the perusal
of an article — “ If it be real, what does it mean?”
which appeared in the ” Pioneer ” of December 12th,
1884, the author being, as is an open secret. Sir Archi-
bald Colvin. Its sale in a separate form has been
enormous amongst both natives and Europeans, its
ability and far-seeing statesmanship add much to the
already great reputation of its author. The writer of
the ” thoughtful article ” in the ” Allygurh Institute
Gazette ” of the 25th November was the Hon. Mr.
Justice Mahmud. How men like himself must regard
some of the English in India is evident from a story
which he told me. He happened to visit the Madras

262

Syed Ahmed Khan„

Club with the Chief Justice, Sir Charles Turner, who
is a great friend of his. They had only been a few
minutes inside when one of the members came up to
Sir Charles and told him, before Syed Mahmud, that
no native was allowed in the club. They left it
People at home will scarcely believe this; but it is a
fact, and the sooner we alter this behaviour of ours
the better for the stability of our rule in India.

Syed Ahmed and two of his friends being in Agra
last November, 1 asked them to dinner at the club,
they being the first Mohammedan gentlemen who have
ever dined there. After dinner, as we were sitting
smoking and chatting in the reading room, Syed Ahmed
turned to me and said, ** Would that it were like this
all over India ! What a pleasant land it would then be
for us ! ** The time is coming. If all men were like
Syed Ahmed, it would have come long ago.

On the 24th December, 1884, a cricket match was
played at Allygurh between the College and Station.
Lunch was held in a large tent, and a novel feature
was the joining of the college students in the station
tiffin. At one of the three tables Mrs. Aikman, wife
of my friend the judge, entertained the College eleven,
herself sitting at one end, and Mr. Beck, the Principal
of the College, at the other. Syed Ahmed, in an
account of the match published in the ** Allygurh Insti-
tute Gazette,’* said, ** The students will not readily for-
get the courtesy and kindness shown them on this occa-
sion by an English lady.’*

After tiffin, Syed Ahmed, who was at another table,
rose and said : ** I should not like to incur the dis-
pleasure of the cricketers by detaining them from their
game by a long speech. 1 will therefore put what 1
have to say in a few words. On behalf of the College

Letter from Syed Ahmed, 263

Committee, I must most cordially thank Mrs. Aikman
for the favour she has so kindly shown to the boys of
our college. Every nation has appointed certain cere-
monies to be observed on the day their New Year
commences. The New Year’s day for the natives of
India will, I believe, be the day when ceremonies are
performed showing unity, love, and sympathy between
them and Europeans. I therefore regard to-day as
our New Year’s Day. I propose that, in honour of
Mrs. Aikman, a gold medal, called after her, be given
every year to the best cricketer in the (College) Club,
to keep alive the memory of her kindness to-day. To
provide for it, 1 shall deposit a sum enough to give a
yearly interest sufficient for the purpose.” ” Mrs.
Aikman very kindly,” writes Syed Ahmed, ** con-
sented; ” and the match was resumed, and resulted In
a victory for the Station.

When at home on leave 1 received from Syed Ahmed
the following letter, under date, Allygurh, October 6th,
1885 :—

” My Dear Graham, — After anxiously waiting to
hear from you by every mail, I at last got your letter
of the loth ult. It gave me great pleasure to learn
therefrom that you found all your people and specially
Mrs. Graham well and happy on your arrival there, and
that you have benefited by the change. But I am still
anxious to learn when it is your intention to come ut
again, and also whether Mrs. Graham is thinking of
coming out to India or not. I am very anxious and
shall really very happy to sec Mrs. Graham either
it be by her coming out to India or my visiting England
again. The latter seems to be almost impracticable,
but I shall always hope for the former. I am glad
that you have at last finished the work that you had
taken in hand. Though I do not consider myself
entitled to the honour you have done me by writing my
life, yet I am glad to hear that you have accomplished
your desire, and I hope that the 50 copies will be sent

264

Syed Ahmed Khan.

to me as soon as the book is out. We have had un-
usually heavy rains this year, and consequently there
has been fever too, but it was not of a serious type,
simply the ordinary fever, and did not last more than
two or three days. I and Syed Mahmud also have had
it for two or three days, but I am glad to tell you that
we are well now. Syed Mahmud is here in these days
and is busily engaged on his work on the Mohammedan
Law, which will prove to be of great use. He has, up
to this time written several hundred pages, but I do not
know how much more he is still going to write. 1
showed your letter to him and he was very glad to see
that you have at last successfully finished the work
that you had undertaken. He wishes to be remembered
very kindly to you.

“ Mr. Beck* came back from England early in August.
He is happy and enjoying good health. He is deeply
interested in the College and is always busy in its pro-
gress. The new Professor of English literature, Mr.
Walter Raleigh, also arrived from England early this
month. He is a very able man, and is likely to take
great interest in the Institution. It is a matter of great
gratification that he is an ** English European gentle-
man ” and not an ** Indian European gentleman.'* I
hope that the College will greatly improve by this
addition. There is another European Professor coming
out from England. His name is Mr. Harold Cox.
He left England some weeks ago, and is expected to
arrive here some time this week. I have heard that he
is very liberal-minded and that his chief interest is to
strive for the progress of the “ human being without
regard to colour, be it white or black, and 1 hope that
he will make this statement good when he arrives here
and that the College will derive great benefit by his
connection with it.

“ I spend my time generally either in writing my com-
mentary on the Koran or in doing something in connec-
tion with the College. At present the chief object that
is concentrating my attention is the central hall of the
College which is to be called the Strachey Hall. We
have just begun to build it. We want fifty thousand
rupees to do it, and we have opened a special subscrip-
tion for this work. The plan is that a hundred sub-

*Tbe late able Principal of the I M. College.

Sytd Ahnud,

^65

scribers should pay Rs. 500 each. Up to this time
seventy-four have subscribed, and twenty-six more are
wanted, which I hope we shall soon get. Thirteen out
of these seventy-four are European gentlemen, includ-
ing one Hon. B. U. Currie, who has sent Rs. 500 from
England. This is a matter, no doubt, of extreme grati-
fication. The fact of the Europeans thus helping in
works calculated for the benefit of the natives of India,
produces a great political effect on the country and the
people.

“ I sent over your letter to Mr. Beck and he was very
glad to peruse it. I hope you will write to me often
and keep me informed of all that concerns you, and
that this letter will find you and Mrs. Graham in the
enjoyment of good health and happiness. With kindest
regards for Mrs. Graham and yourself,

Believe me,

Very sincerely yours,
(Sgd.) Syed Ahmed.**

At the time of writing my first edition of his life,
Syed Ahmed was alive and well. I then wrote as
follows : —

“ Syed Ahmed has now resided for many years in his
comfortable house in Allygurh, which was purchased
and furnished for him in European style by his son,
the Hon. Syed Mahmud. Here he entertains his
numerous guests who visit him from all parts of India
— Mohammedans, Sikhs, Hindus, and Englishmen.
The doors are always open. The whole atmosphere is
redolent of literature. His sitting room, in which he
passes most of the day at the desk, is full of books and
papers; the walls of his dining-room are covered with
bookcases filled w'ith standard English works; and his
library — a splendid room — is stocked with a vast
variety of books, including numerous theological works
used by him in writing his Commentary on the Bible,
Koran, &c. One of the not least interesting books to
me is Syed Mahmud's prize taken at Cambridge for the
best English essay ! In the drawing-room is the dip-
loma making Syed Ahmed a Fellow of the Royal
Asiatic Society, of which he is particularly proud.
On the wall opposite is a full-length portrait in oil of

266

Syed Ahmed Khan.

his friend Sir John Strachey, a lifelike likeness. There
are also portraits of Sir Salar Jang, Lord Lytton, and
his Highness the Nizam of Hyderabad. The days for
him pass pleasantly and quickly. One of his great
characteristics is his untiring energy. In addition to
great breadth of views on questions of national im-
portance, he possesses a power of work as regards
minute details which is astonishing. Up at 4 a.m., he
writes his newspaper articles, his books and pamphlets
— sees visitors, official and private — and conducts the
onerous duties of his secretaryship to the College Com-
mittees not only by day, but not unfrequently far into
the night. With him mental labour of the higher kind
tends to long life and sound health. His meals are
served in European style, and he is a rigid abstainer
from all liquor except Adames ale. At and after dinner
friends drop in. The topics of conversation range from
discussions on metaphysics, religion, and politics, to
quotations from Persian poets and humorous anecdotes.
He is of middle height and of massive build, weighing
upwards of nineteen stone. His face is leonine — a
rugged witness to his determination and energy. If,
however, rather stern and forbidding when at rest, it
lights up genially when speaking, reflecting the warmth
of heart which he so largely possesses. He has a
hearty laugh, and enjoys a joke as much as any man.
He will put his stick under the table at dinner, and
suddenly frighten those present by pretending to see a
snake. Or again, the subject of conversation is the
reform of his nation. One of his listeners is sleepy and
nods. The Syed is anxious that all should attend. The
sleepy member says he hears everything, but he pre-
sently nods again. All of a sudden a terrific shout of
alarm is heard which makes every one jump, including
the sleepy one; but all they see is the old Syed in roars
of laughter ! He has been a widower for many years,
and has only had one wife. He informed me the other
day, with a twinkle in his eye, that “ he might marry
again ! But,” said he, ” she must be English, in order
that I may mix more freely in English society, and she
must be eighty years old, and have lost all her teeth ! ”
He is a born orator. His delivery, when he warms to
his subject, resembles that of Mr. Gladstone. His lips
quiver with suppressed emotion ; the voice and figure

Syed Ahmed Khan,

267

follow suit, — and these evidences of intense feeling
communicate themselves with electric rapidity to his
audience. He is intensely cosmopolitan. To substi-
tute ** Mohammedan ” for Englishman ” in eloquent
words used lately in describing the late Lord Ampthill :
** It is an exceedingly rare thing for an ordinary
Mohammedan, even of the better sort, thoroughly to
realise the fact, however emphatically he admits the
theory, that Mohammedans and other races are of the
same desh and blood, and are amenable to the same
passions and impulses. It is still rarer to find a
Mohammedan who not only understands this to be the
case, but proves his perception of it in practice. Syed
Ahmed is so completely master of this art that national
distinctions disappear before him, and rising above all
accidental conditions of climate and race, of latitude,
longitude, and ethnic idiosyncrasy, he gazes, by dint of
his own power of judicious generalisation, upon an
image which is none other than that of human nature
itself. He preserves the patriotism and pride of the
stock from which he is sprung, and has divested him-
self of all its prejudices.” There was not another
Mohammedan in India so fitted to take the lead in the
great Mohammedan educational movement as he : no
other Mohammedan gentleman possessed the ability,
the eloquence, the great reputation, the cosmopoli-
tanism, and the intense energy and perseverance of the
subject of this sketch. Had it not been for his great
efforts, the Mohammedan would have been far further
behind the Hindu community as regards education than
it now is ; and if the movement increases with the
rapidity which has hitherto characterised it, the Moham-
medans will soon be abreast of the Hindus. Amongst
the mighty forces which have been silently changing the
aspect of affairs in India during the last forty years,
Syed Ahmed Khan’s name will, to future generations,
occupy a conspicuous place.

I have now traced his honourable and laborious career
from his earliest years up to the present, and trust that
the picture, though very imperfectly drawn, may act as
a stimulant to the rising generation of our Indian
gentry. 1 have shown how a native gentleman of high
and distinguished family, but poor, educated only up to
his nineteenth year, has raised himself from the lowest

268

Syed Ahmed Khan.

rung of the official ladder to the highest, and also
educated himself, without the great advantage of a
knowledge of English, to become, as he now is, the
foremost Mohammedan of his day in India.’*

With regard to my book on his life, I received the
following letter : —

Allygurh,

24th November^ 1885.

“ My Dear Graham, — By the last mail I received a
copy of the book which you have called the * Life and
Work of Syed Ahmed Khan,’ but which I call ‘ the
favour of Graham to Syed Ahmed Khan.’ Although
the book is well written, is neatly got up, has a good
cover, and is a thing to be proud of on account of its
author, yet the only defect in it is that it is devoted to
the life of one like my humble self. The reader cannot
help thinking of the following verse of a Persian poet,
* If you combine in you one good quality and seventy bad
ones, your friend will overlook them all and direct his
attention to that one good quality.’ I looked through
the book carefully, and turned it all over trying, if I
could, to find out any word in it which might give me
P^enuine pleasure and be something to be proud of, and
immense was my joy on finding out the following words
in its preface : * 1 have known Syed Ahmed more like a
relative^ I may say, than a friend. ’ I assure you that I
shall always feel proud of it. The sentence is as much a
matter of pride to me as it is of advice to the Anglo-
Indians. It would be a good piece of advice for them
to act upon, and they will be able to realise that such
friendship and sympathy is quite possible between
Europeans and the natives of India.

** However, putting aside the subject of the book,
and whether it ought, or ought not, to have been
written about an insignificant person like myself, I am
glad that you have completed the work on which you
had set your heart, and that your labour of love has
come to an end. I congratulate you most cordially on
this, and at the same time I congratulate myself on the
fact that though I did not approve of such a book being
written, 1 gave way to the pleasure of one whom I
value, not only as a friend, but as a brother. Remem*

LetUr from Syed Ahmed.

269

ber, dear Graham, I do not mean an elder brother, for
I am older than you in respect of years, and I acted
on the Persian saying, ‘ It is easy to atone for the
breaking of an oath, but it is a mighty wrong to grieve
a friend.’ Herewith I enclose some cuttings from the
* Pioneer, * containing letters that appeared about one or
two points treated of in your book.

“We had very heavy rain this year, and as a natural
consequence we had a good deal of fever after the rains.
I have had fever, too, once or twice, but now I am quite
well again, and the weather is getting lovely (sic).
Syed Mahmud is also here, busy on his work on the
Mahommedan law. His leave will expire towards the
close of March, when, I think, he will have to go back
to his substantial post at Rai Bareli, until a vacancy
occurs in the High Court. Lord Dufferin will soon be
at Agra, where he is going to hold a levee. Sir Alfred
Lyall asked me to come over to Agra, and I am going
by to-day’s mail. I wish you had been there so that I
could then enjoy my visit. I trust this will find you and
Mrs. Graham and children well and happy.

“ With kindest regards for Mrs. Graham and your-
self,

Believe me,

Yours ever sincerely,

(Sgd.) Syed Ahmed.

“ P.S. — On the arrival of your book, the * Pioneer’
published full extracts from it about the mutiny and the
correspondence that was going on.’’

I received the following letter from Syed Ahmed
Khan

Aligarh,

1 2th January, 1887.

My dear Graham,

Many thanks for your letter of the 28th, which I
received at the time when 1 had just arrived at Allaha-
bad and was busy with the Public Service Commission.
I had been at Lahore and Allahabad with the Commis-
sion, but I did not go to Jubbulpore, Bombay or Madras
with them; however, I rejoin the Commission at Cal-
cutta. During my stay at Allahabad I was so busy
with the work of the Commission that it took up the

270

Syed Ahmed Khan,

whole day every day (sic) and 1 had no time to see any-
one except once when 1 saw Sir Alfred Lyall on an
urg’ent business for a short time. I have neither had
time to read Mr. Keene’s Review which you sent, and
which I have therefore kept and shall return later on
when 1 have done with it. 1 was indeed extremely
delighted to see from the advance sheets of ** Puck
and Pearl ” that Mrs. Graham was making a name for
illustrations. Kindly send my best regards; to her
when you write to her next time, and get a copy of the
book for me, too, when it is out.

I was very glad to read the letter from the Vice-
roy’s Private Secretary, which I enclose back herewith.
Hoping you are keeping well and wishing you a Happy
New Year,

I remain.

Very sincerely yours,

(Signed) SYED AHMED.

The ** Puck and Pearl ” mentioned in this was a
story by Mrs. Frederika Macdonald, and illustrated by
my wife. The letter from the Private Secretary was
as follows : —

Government House,

Simla,

17th August, 1886.

Dear Sir,

I am directed by the Viceroy (Lord Dufferin) to
thank you for the pamphlet containing the Reviews on
“ Syed Ahmed Khan’s Life and Work,” which you
have been so good as to send for His Excellency’s
perusal.

I am,

Yours faithfully,

(Signed) D. MACKENZIE WALLACE,
Private Secretary to the Viceroy.
Lieutenant-Colonel Graham.

On the 1 2th March, 1887, Syed Ahmed wrote me
as follows : —

Letter from Syed Ahmed Khan.

271

Aligarh y

1 2th March, 1887.

My dear Graham,

Thanks for your kind note to hand this morning.

I arrived here only yesterday from Calcutta and feel
extremely tired after all this travelling. All copies of
my work on the antiquities of Delhi were lost during
the Mutiny, and I am sorry to say 1 haven’t got a single
copy to spare; but I have got only one copy, which
I shall be glad to lend you if you want it. The Strachey
Hall is progressing, but I am afraid it won’t be ready
before another year, as there is a great deal of work to
be done. I was very much delighted that Mrs. Graham
and the girls will be coming out in November. With
kindest regards, believe me.

Ever yburs sincerely,

(Signed) SYED AHMED.

P.S. — While at Calcutta 1 saw Sir Charles Elliott,
who was very kind to me and asked me to dinner one
evening. He was enquiring about you. He has very
kindly given Rs.500 towards the Central Hall Building
Fund.

Here is another letter : —

Naini Tal, N.W.P.,

India,

September 17th, 1888.

My dear Graham,

In the first place 1 was much surprised to hear
from Molvi Syed Mahdi Ali that you complain against
me for not having written to you since you left India.
It is not out of place to say that so far as my recollec-
tion goes, I sent you two or three letters, but none of
them was replied to. The letters which I sent you con-
tained the following subjects : —

(1) The receipt of H.H. the Maharaja of Dhol-
pur’s picture and the information of the damages which
its frame received on its way to Aligarh, and also 1
asked you how to dispose of it.

(2) Thanks for the photographs of your family,
which reached me without any letter, and I asked for some
accounts of your children.

272

Syed Ahmed Khan.

(3) Asking for a copy of the accounts of General
Ochterlony and Nawab Khajaw Khaja Farid Khan
from the copy of the old papers which you obtained in
Etah.

All these things were written in two or three
letters, as I do not very well remember, but no reply
has yet reached me of any one of them. In the other
place I was very glad to hear from Molvi Syed Mahdi
AH the welfare of yours and Mrs. Graham’s (part here
torn out and given to Mr. Khuda Bukhsh, student at
Oxford, who wanted Syed Ahmed's signature. — G.F.I.G.).
Haji Mahomed Ismail Khan is at present in Mecca, and
consequently the work for the second edition of my life*
has been put off. He is expected soon after, and will
then commence the work himself. In the meantime I
hope you will not forget to send me the copy of the
papers which I have mentioned above, as some difficulties
will probably arise in bringing out the second edition
without them. With kindest regards to yourself and
Mrs. Graham,

Believe me,

Ever yours sincerely,

(Signed) SYED AHMED.

The next letter is in reply to one of mine, telling
him of the birth of my boy Fritz, now (1909) twenty years
old.

Aligarh,

N.W.P., India,

December, 1888.

My dear Graham,

Your very kind favour of the i6th ultimo duly
reached me by the last mail, and I was very glad indeed
to learn the good news of yourself, Mrs. Graham, and
your children.

First of all, 1 heartily congratulate you and Mrs.
Graham for the new-born child, and it is the earnest
prayer of an old friend of his father that he may live
long with his father, mother, sisters, and brothers, to
enjoy the blessings of life and make a distinguished
man. Though you are far off from us, I assure

*This refers to the Hindustani edition

Letter from Syed Ahmed Khan, 273

yoU) my dear old friend, that not even a week has
passed that whenever I get leisure to have a chat with
my friends, you and Mrs. Graham have not called to
my memory. I am at present so much pressed with
the heavy work of the College and the Commentary on
the Holy Koran, on which I am busily engaged, that,
besides the hours I sleep, I am sorry to say that I can
spare no time to do any other thing, and it often occurs
that I take my breakfast on the corner of the same
table on which I have been working. Still more I have
undertaken a heavy task against the so-called National
Congress, and have formed an Association, “ The In-
dian United Patriotic Association,” the work of which
is much more greater (sic) than the other works, and 1
am very glad to tell you that Beck gives me a great
deal of assistance in the matter, otherwise it would have
been much more difficult, or rather impossible for us to
go on further with it. It is to my very great regret
to say that you are at a very great distance from us
at such a critical time when your helping hand and
advice are urgently needed. I herewith enclose the
rules framed for this Association, and I have been
wishing to see your name in the list of its members
with us. Its annual subscription is either you may
send it to me or else I will pay for you. I have sent
you two pamphlets, which have already been issued in
connection with the Patriotic Association, and will send
you the next one as soon as it is out from the Press.

Besides this, I have already written a letter to Mr.
Chamberlain, a copy of which is herewith enclosed.
This is a private letter to him. Haji Mahomed Ismail
Khan, who is the chief organ *of arranging my Life ( 2 nd
vernacular edition), was in Mecca and has already returned.
He has now paid his attention to it and it is hoped it
will satisfactorily be arranged before long. I am much
indebted to you for the information you so kindly gave
me from the letters of Col. Gardner, but I ask you
the favour of sending me all the papers, and I will
return them to you carefully in a registered cover as
soon as I have done with them. I should like to read
all over those papers, and it is not my intention to
publish all their contents, but it is my hearty desire
to go over them once.

R

274 Syed Ahmed Khan.

1 am sorry to learn that your article on those of
Dr. Hunter was not published in the English papers.
My opinion is that you will once more attempt to have
it inserted in some other English paper there, as it
would very probably throw a good deal of light on the
public mind.

You are welcome to put up with me whenever you
and Mrs. Graham come out to India in cold weather.
My house is open for you, and I am ready for your
reception. It would only give me very great pleasure
if you and Mrs. Graham and myself might spend some
happy days in one and the same house. It is very
pleasing to tell you that in these days Beck’s father,
mother, and sister have come out to India, and the
students have convened several meetings for their
happy visit to this place, and these for days have been
spent very cheerfully. I have conveyed your message
to Beck.

One more pleasing news which I forgot to tell you
in my last is that Syed Mahmood (stc) has at last
married, and at the same time it is much more pleasing
that he married into his own nearest relations and not
into any other family, as many people were thinking of
it. I hope this will meet you in good health. With
kind regards to yourself and Mrs. Graham and your
children.

Believe me.

My dear old friend.

Ever sincerely yours,

(Signed) SYED AHMED.

This letter contradicts an article in the “ Pall Mall
Gazette ” of January 2nd, 1907, on the formation by
Mohammedans of the ** All Indian Moslem League.”
In it the writer says : ** The Dacca Conference, com-
posed of Mussulmans from all parts of India, has done
a thing which the Mussulmans have been longing to
do for a score of years past, but have not done until

now Why did they not do it long ago?”

The President of the Conference denounced the ” rabid
opposition ” of the National Congress to all Govern-

The Pall Mall Gazette.

275

merit measures, condemned and discouraged the revo-
lutionary tendencies of the present political situation,
and declared that Mohammedans must be prepared, if
necessary, to hght for the Government-videlicet, with
other weapons than the glib and venomous^ tongue of
the typical Congress-wallah.

If we glance at the history of India during the past
twenty years we shall see why the Mohammedans did

not take this step before When, in 1887,

the antics of the Indian National Congress began to
attract public attention, the acknowledged leader of the
Mohammedan body was the late Sir Syed Ahmed Khan.
That distinguished social and religious reformer, who
was also a staunch friend of the Government, while
roundly denouncing the Congress as a most mischievous
and seditious institution, was, nevertheless, strongly
opposed to the policy of any similar agitation by his
own people against it. Partly, perhaps, owing to the
innate Moslem contempt for any imitation of the ways
of the idolatrous Hindoo, partly to Sir Syed Ahmed’s
fixed belief in the impartiality of the Sirkar, he
exhorted his co-religionists to avoid the policy of com-
bination for the purpose of clamour, and to have confi-
dence in the even-handed justice of the Indian Govern-
ment. In Bombay he was not wholly obeyed; the late
Mr. Badruddin Tyabji took part in the National Con-
gress, and even became its President; but the Moham-
medan community, as a whole, stood loyally aloof.
Time went on ... . The Bengali Baboo ruled

the roost; the seditious Native Press indulged in an
orgie of disloyalty, and, on the whole, it became appar-
ent that dignified policy of silent loyalty was not, prac-
tically, a paying game. How much longer the pos-

276 Syed Ahmed Khan,

ihumous power of Sir Syed Ahmed* s influence would
have sufficed to keep the Mohammedans true to his
policy it is impossible to say; but matters came to a
head over the question of the partition of Bengal and

the resignation of Sir Bamfylde Fuller

The Mohammedan population .... were furi-
ous Now, therefore, at the dawn of the

year which is the fiftieth anniversary of the Mutiny —
a significant, but too little remembered fact — ^we find
the political outlook in India complicated by the

presence of a new factor in the problem

The Mohammedans have felt compelled to adopt a

weapon which they dislike We can only

hope that the new League will help to redress the
balance of official favour, which is all that is desired by
the loyal Mohammedan subjects of the King-Emperor.

From Syed Ahmed’s last letter to me, however,
we see that he was never against a League and had
actually started one himself.

This letter of December, 1888, was the last letter
that 1 received from Syed Ahmed. I am afraid that
the fault was on both sides, I thinking that he was
forgetful of me in not acknowledging letters and a
birthday gift which 1 sent him, and he thinking that 1
was forgetful of him. I regret it deeply and shall
regret it to the end of my life. The news of his death
was a great shock to me.

The “St. James' Gazette” published the following
short notice :

His long and honourable life came to an end in
1898. Throughout his life he worked for the greatest
good of his fellow countrymen and oo-religionists. He
succeeded in being everything that we desire our Indian

Sir Syed Ahmed's Death,

277

fellow subjects to be. His great aim was to restore
the Mussulmans to their former position as a dominant
and forward race, and this aim he carried out by in-
cessantly impressing on them the virtues of orderly
and sober lives, liberal education, unflinching loyalty
to the Government, and a careful and intelligent ad*
herence to their religion.

To-day there is no more loyal man than the Mo-
hammedan of the N.W.P. and the Punjaub. At the
tomb of Syed Ahmed Englishmen and Indians rever-
ence one who was beloved and honoured by all alike,
a firm friend, a very wise man, a very good man, and an
ornament to our Indian Mussulmans.

278

APPENDIX.

HIGHER EDUCATION IN INDIA DEPUTATION TO LORD MINTO

LORD MORLBY's INDIAN REFORMS BILL

HIGHER EDUCATION IN INDIA.

Speaking on this subject, Lord DufFerin, in 1886,
said when he received the honourable degree of
D.C.L. from the Punjab University, “ In what manner
your labours in the one hemisphere may most effectu-
ally supplement and commingle with the achievements
of your fellow workers in the other ; how you may best
apply the products of your own past, so rich in every-
thing that can warm the fancy and excite the imagina-
tion or exercise the speculative and metaphysical
faculty, to the practical requirements of your future
and the exigiencies of our present hard and exacting
age, is one of the principle problems with which you
have to deal, and for which 1 have no doubt you will
find a satisfactory solution.*’

Soon afterwards, writing to Lord Cross, January
18th, 1887, wrote : — ** At Mundabad and Lanjore a
minority in the Municipal Council wanted to introduce
into their addresses one or two sentences in reference
to the reform of the Councils and to the political aspira-
tions of young India, to which their colleagues objected,
and when they found themselves in a minority they

Higher Education in India, 279

sent me unofficially a copy of what they had wished

to say in a separate paper I am glad

that you approve of my speech at Poona

Some of the older Indians, though agreeing in every
word 1 said, seem to consider it inadvisable for the
Viceroy to make any reference to public opinion as
signified through the newspapers, and maintain that it
ought to be loftily ignored. In this view I do not con-
cur. I do not think we can afford to disregard it; for
there are some papers, particularly on the Bombay side,
that are conducted with moderation, and with a certain
amount of political insight; and although it would be
absurd to regard the press as in any way representing
the various and multitudinous populations of India, it
does undoubtedly express the ideas of the educated
class. Though this class is at present small and un*
influential, it is both wise and right to court with it,
and we must remember that it is above all things a
growing power.”

” Lord Dufferin felt that the time was passing when
the British Government could afford to disparage the
claims and aspirations of a party that the British sys-
tem of education had deliberately created. Trained
intelligence and high culture in every country are more
or less restricted to a minority, but the select few be-
come gradually leaders of the many ” (Life of Lord
Dufferin, p 150). Later on in 1886, Lord Dufferin re-
corded his opinion as follows : — ” Now I think it is
desirable that the Government should make up its
mind as soon as possible in regard to the policy it is
determined to pursue, for evidently India is not a
country in which the machinery of European demo-
cratic agitation can be applied with impunity.'* (We
have practical proof of this in the present bomb epi-

28 o

Syed Ahmed Khan.

demic, and in the assassination of Sir Curzon WylHe.)
**My own inclination would be to examine carefully
and seriously the demands which are the outcome
of these various movements; to give quickly and with a
good grace whatever it may be possible or desirable to
accord; to announce that these concessions must be ac-
cepted as a final settlement of the Indian system for
the next ten or fifteen years; and to forbid mass meet-
ings and incendiary speechifying Now

that we have educated these people, their desire
to take a larger part in the management of their own
domestic affairs seems to be a legitimate and reason-
able aspiration, and 1 think there should be enough
statesmanship amongst us to contrive the means of
permitting them to do so without our unduly compro-
mising our Imperial supremacy.’* And as regarded
the legislative Council of the Viceroy, Lord Dufferin
wrote (p. 155 ) : — ** For my own part, I think that a
yearly financial discussion in the Viceroy’s legislative
Council would prove a very useful and desirable ar-
rangement 1 do not by this mean that

votes should be taken in regard to the various items
of the budget, .... but simply that an oppor-
tunity should be given for a full, free, and thorough
criticism and examination of the financial policy of the

Government The second change . . .

which I am inclined to recommend is, that under proper
restrictions .... its members should be per-
mitted to ask questions in reference to current matters
of domestic .... interest that may have at-
tracted public attention Under existing

circumstances the Government of India has no
adequate medium through which it can explain its
policy, correct a wrong impression, or controvert a

Deputation to Lord Minto.

281

false statement, and though up to the present time the
consequences of the evils 1 have indicated may not
have become very serious or widespread, they contain
the germs of incalculable danger *’ (p. 156). “ The

Press in India, while it is as free as in England, and
is often conducted with considerable ability, is inaccur-
ate, because it is seldom well-informed; the educated
classes supply impatient censure and criticism, the
uneducated are exceedingly credulous.’’’ The right of
non-official members of Council to the right of inter-
pellations not being then extant, ** the natural conse-
quence was that intelligent political discussion found its
main vent in journalism, and that the functions of an
opposition were undertaken by the newspapers.” In
one of his last speeches in India (p.p. 201-2), Lord
Dufferin said, ” Some intelligent, loyal, patriotic, and
well-meaning men are desirous of taking, 1 will not
say a further step in advance, but a very big jump into
the unknown — by the application to India of democratic
methods of government, and the adoption of a Par-
liamentary system, which England herself has only
reached by slow degrees and through the discipline of
many centuries of preparation.”

To go so far was impracticable; nevertheless, certain
steps in that direction might be taken.

DEPUTATION TO LORD MINTO.

On October 2nd, 1906, the following article
appeared in ” The Times ” : —

” The Mohammedan deputation elected by their co-
religionists throughout India, and representative of
their community as no deputation has ever been before,
laid their case before Lord Minto yesterday and re-
ceived his answer. It was one of those occasions when

2Sz Syed Ahmed Khan.

great issues are at stake, and when a mistake in policy,
or even mere want of imagination, may work harm
which the most honest efforts will be afterwards power-
less to undo. The Viceroy’s speech, however, gave
evidence that he fully appreciated the situation. It was
worthy both of the importance of the occasion and of
his own position as representative of the Crown. Its
tone throughout was one of frank and intelligent sym-
pathy with his Mohammedan hearers, and he made it
clear that he realised the significance of their action.
The deputation, as we pointed out the other day, is a
thing quite unprecedented in the recent history of the
Indian Mohammedans. It is a departure frem twenty
years of political quietism, twenty years during which
the Mohammedans faithfully kept Sir Syed Ahmed’s
advice not to let themselves be drawn into the current
of agitation. Though they have now entered on
organised political action, they are still perfectly true
to the spirit of his counsel. It is characteristic of their
point of view that, when they felt some steps had to be
taken, agitation against the Government was the last
thing they thought of. They made no attempt to in-
flame religious prejudice or political passion against
British rule, like the Hindu agitators of Bengal.
Instead of that, they took a course which is in itself
no small proof of their fitness for political responsi-
bility. They sought the Government’s permission to
lay their views before it, elected a thoroughly repre-
sentative deputation, and then urged their case with a
breadth and moderation which would be striking in
any country or society. Lord Minto is evidently alive
to the significance of this. He welcomed the repre-
sentative character of their gathering and referred to
their past in language which must have gone straight
to their hearts. Without making any detailed reference
to the late controversy, he thanked the Mohammedans
in the new province of Eastern Bengal for the self-
restraint they had shown in new and trying circum-
stances. He did something which will be even more
welcome to the Mohammedans than this. He gave an
explicit pledge to their community in Eastern Ben^^al
that they could rely as firmly as ever on British justice
and fair play; and in his remark that the future of the
province “ is now, I hope, assured,” we may read the

DepuiaHon io Lord MifUo,

283

determination of the Government not to go back on the
policy of partition. But still more important were the
closing words of his speech, which contained a pledge
just as explicit, to the whole Mohammedan community
of India, that their political rights and interests will be
safeguarded in any administrative reorganisation and
throughout the general policy of the British Raj»

It was, of course, not the Viceroy’s business to go
into details yesterday as to how the political interests
of the Mohammedans could best be assured. He made
no attempt to do so, but he said enough to show them
that their own proposal commands not only his sym-
pathy, but, in principle, his adherence. What the
Mohammedans propose was very lucidly explained in
our article on “ Indian Affairs ” yesterday. They want
representation as a community, in all cases to which
representation applies, from municipalities and district
boards up to the Imperial Legislative Council. They
suggest this solution as being the only effective means
of safeguarding minorities, and as the only possible
way of working representative institutions in India. It
it with this last point that we get to the strength of
their proposal. The Mohammedan idea was fairly des-
cribed in our article as almost the only piece of original
political thought which has emanated from modern
India. The Bengali politicians have not really got so
far. They have not got beyond the idea of importing
the whole scheme of British politics ready made. This
is substantially the process which Mr. Morley, in his
Budget speech, denounced as a fantastic and ludicrous
dream. It is, or it ought to be, a fantastic dream
to suppose that we can ever graft our political institu-
tions unchanged on to the hoary antiquity of India. It
has so far remained a dream that the Congress party
have not succeeded in transplanting much beyond our
political vituperation, inflamed by occasional outbursts
of disloyalty and appeals to religious passion. The
Mohammedan theory is quite a different one. It is
based on this solid fact — that the principle of repre-
sentation by merely numerical majorities is not found
workable in India. Where this^ principle is applied,
minorities go to the wall. Parties are organised, as
parties in India must be, purely on religious or racial
lines, and the election becomes a religious or racial

284

Syed Ahmed Khan.

warfare, in which the creed or race that is numerically
strong triumphs, to the total exclusion of the creed
or race that is weak. That is why local self-govern-
ment has been a failure in so many cases, and why any
real political progress is impossible until a truer prin-
ciple is implied.

This principle the Mohammedans are endeavouring
to supply. In doing so, they are not merely doing the
best for their own creed; they are taking a line which
must interest everybody, and which may have the most
desirable effects on the whole political development of
India. Of Lord Minto’s Attitude they have certainly
no reason to complain. He says that, as regards their
claim to be estimated not merely by numbers but as a
community, he is entirely in accord with them. While
not indicating details, he declares himself as firmly con-
vinced as they that “ any electoral representation in
India would be doomed to mischievous failure which
aimed at granting a personal enfranchisement, regard-
less of the beliefs and traditions of the communities
composing the population of this Continent.” The
immediate question raised by the Mohammedans will
go before the committee lately appointed to consider
representative changes, from which we trust it will get
sympathetic consideration. That much, however, is
practically assured by Lord Minto’s reply, which fully
endorsed the soundness of the Mohammedan proposal.
On another point — a. point of method — the Viceroy was
in agreement with his hearers. He thinks, as they do,
that self-government must begin far down, and that its
“ initial rungs ” are to be looked for in the municipal
and district boards. In other words, the Indian people
must educate themselves politically in small things be-
fore heavier responsibilities are laid on them. At
present the Indian politician has unlimited chances of
criticism, and little or no opportunity of learning what
political responsibility really means. The political
education of a people cannot be carried on under such
conditions. Municipal self-government, on the other
hand, as was pointed out a few weeks ago in these
columns, gives a definite field of training, which may
be made really useful, if the municipal bodies are
emancipated from the excessive official control that
Still prevails. By this means something can be done to

Indian Reforms BtlL

*85

teach political knowledge to India, and, indirectly, to
get rid of some of the less desirable results of our
imported Western education. Western culture was
bound, in any case, to produce a ferment when applied
to Eastern brains, and in India we have too often been
content with a merely superficial method. The moral
fruits of that system have been less perceptible than the
intellectual, and we can best redress the balance by
fostering a sense of civic responsibility.

INDIAN REFORMS BILL.

The “ Daily Mail ’* on the 25th February, 1909,
contained the following note under the heading of
“ Indian Pitfalls ** : —

Lord Midleton, who resumed the debate in the
House of Lords to-day on Lord Morley’s Indian
Reforms Bill, extracted an interesting admission from
the Secretary of State. So far as he could sec there
was nothing to prevent a man who had been the subject
of a criminal prosecution, or had been deported from
obtaining a seat on a legislative council.

Lord Morley, interposing, said the regulations would
undoubtedly determine certain classes of prohibition
and exclusion, and the case suggested would be among
them.

Lord Crewe, speaking later in the debate, gave an
assurance that the Lieutenant-Governors will not be
entrusted with a power of veto.

Lord Cromer, one of the most distinguished of
England’s retired pro-consuls, gave a general approval
to the Bill. His commanding air, his voice with its
strange cadences, his crisp, parade-ground sentences,
gave a piquant character to his speech. He was
bound to consider the admission of native members to
the legislative councils as a leap in the dark. ** Take
an obvious parallel. How awkward it would be if Lord
Crewe and Lord Morley, members of the same Cabinet,
could not discuss matters of a policy over a cup of tea
and a plate of bread and butter owing to their religious
differences ” (laughter).

286

Syed Ahmed Khan.

Lord Cromer had no great confidence in the result
of the experiment of introducing parliamentary institu-
tions into India. All the same, he did not regard the
difficulties as serious enough to justify opposition to
the Bill, or to throw doubts on its ultimate success.

Lord Lansdowne, whose speech had been eagerly
awaited, condensed his main criticism into a simile from
poker. “ After consulting with the local Governors,
Lord Minto submitted a scheme of reform. Having
seen Lord Minto’s hand, Lord Morley went one better.
At a time when the greatest possible caution was neces-
sary in dealing with Indian affairs, he converted the
extremely cautious proposal of the Indian Government
into a scheme very much less cautious.”

The system of election, he said, was foreign to the
ideas of the Indian people. The abolition of the official
majority was a dangerous game to play. As to the
executive councils, the Government seemed to have
developed the habit of legislating first and consulting
afterwards. Witness Old-Age Pensions and Welsh
Disestablishment. He thought there would be a pre-
ponderance of Indian sentiment against having a native
member of the Viceroy’s Council. We should not go
too fast over ground strewn with pitfalls and dangers.

Lord Crewe replied for the Government. The Bill
was then read a second time.

In the House of Commons, Mr. Buchanan, Under-
secretary for India, justified exceptional measures in
view of the organised conspiracy in certain parts of
Bengal to subvert British rule.

“ In East Bengal,” he said, ” young men act under
orders for the express purpose of obtaining money for
the propaganda, another body acts for the purpose of
obtaining explosives and arms, a third exists to make
bombs and use them. They endeavour by terrorism to
paralyse the administration of the law, and they
boasted that they intended to murder the important
witnesses, active policemen, and zealous officials. The
latest assassination took place only ten days ago.”

Lord Percy, speaking for the Opposition, heartily
supported the Government, and Mr. Rees (Liberal)
agreed with him.

Mr. Keir Hardie condemned deportation. A Liberal
amendment on the subject was defeated by 195 votes
to 76.

INDEX

Abdul Kadir, 1 1 7
Abdul Wahab, 144
Abdullah Khan, 43
Aden, 86-7;

Cantonment, 89
Adilabad Fort, 10
Afghan Campaign, 1829, 46
Agra, 200, 229;

Sir Syed transferred to, 6
Ahal-i-Hadis, 144
Ahsanullah Khan Bahadoor,
178

Ain Akbari, 8-9
Akbar, Mughul Emperor
2, 4 - 5 . 36, 45 . 186
Alamgeer, Mughul Emperor,
36

Alexander, Greek Emperor, 8
Algiers battle-pictures, 116-7
All India Muslim League,

274

Allahabad, 13, 77, 194
Allai Yar Khan, 44
Ally Mahomed Khan
Bahadur, 231
Allygurh, 262

Education Commission's first
session at, 224
Graham, Sir Syed's guest
at, 171

School opened at, 133

Sir Syed transferred to, 58
Allygurh College, see M.A.O.
College

Allygurh Institute, 184
Allygurh Institute Gazette,
261

Sir Syed's letter published
in, 76, 125-32
Allygurh Scientific Society,
218

Ambeyla campaign, 1 5 1
Ameer of Afghanistan,
197-201

Ampthill, Lord, 267
Amritsar, 233-4
Anakpal Tonuri, Raja, 9
Anekpar Fort, 12
Anekpal Tomar, 12
Arabic language, 32, 93-4, 221
Arania, 196
Arabs in Aden, 88
'Archaeological History of
the Ruins of Delhi*, 6
Argyll. Duke of, 54, 68-9;
presented C.S.I. to Sir Syed,

65

Army,

British system, 37;
refusal to bite cartridges,

38-9

*Asar-i-Mahsar*, 152

288

Asghur Ally» Nawab, i68
Asoka or Firoz Shah Pillar,
II, 12, 13

Athenaeum Club, 70
Atmanzais, 146
Austrian Emperor, 130
Ava, Court of, 2
*Azan*, 96, 154
Bab el Mandeb, 90
Babbington, Major-General,
78, 103

Baegri, Alhaj Ahmed, 99
Bahadur Shah, Emperor, 5
Bairam Shah, Moizuddin, 9
Bait-ul-Mokaddis, 130
Bakar Ally Khan, Raja Syed
168, 178, 180, 184, 251
Bakht Khan, 16
Bambu Khan, 16
Bani Umanja, 144
Bareilly, 16, 43
Bareli, Rai, 269
Bari-]-Arab, 90
Baina river, 157
Barrackpore, 38
Bassaye Kotla, 19
Bassik, Raja, 12
Batesir, 138

Beck, Theodore, 190, 194,
246, 264. 265, 274
Beldeo Chowhan, 14
Benares, 212;

Sir Syed resumes as Judge

at. 133

Sir Syed Subordinate Judge
at, 157

Sir Syed transferred to, 62
Bengal, 147, 196, 276, 282,
286

Beluchistan, 196

Benthal, 66

Bentinck, Lord William, 219
Bhim Chand Raja, 9
Bible, 48
Bijiiore, 14 ff.;
mutiny at, 15;

Sir Syed transferred to, 14;
Sir Syed takes over and is
driven from, 20
Bikaneer desert, 149
Blunt, Wilfrid, 163
‘Bokhari*, 153
Bolarum, 224
Bombay 196;

Sir Syed arrives at, 76
Britain; British, 19, 37;

Bukht Khan instigates
rebellion against, 147;
cleanest of nations, 89;
government. Sir Sycd^s
attitude towards, 92;

Indians compared with,

125 ff;

Indians* ideas about, 103
Religion, interference in
matters of, 28-30;
Shakespeare on Sir Syed*s
loyalty to, 23;

Wahabis* loyalty to, 146
Bukht Khan, 147;
jihad movement, 156
Calcutta, 2, 56, 252;

University, 68, 251
Cambridge University, 19 1,
195, 227, 252;

Mahmud returns from, 163;
Mahmud takes prizes at, 265;
Sir Syed plans to visit, 63
Canning, Lord, 54, 261
Carlyle, 65;

289

Muhammad, opinion about,
6 $;

Sir Sycd*$ interview with, 65
Carmichael, Mr. 42-3
Carpenter, Miss, 78, 100, 103
Catholics, 25
Cawnpore, 245
Chajju, servant, 76, 107, 118
Chandpur, Sir Syed flees to, 20
Charing Cross Hotel, 124,
127

Christians, Christianity;
M.A.O. College students,
227;

measures to spread, 31;
missionary schools, preaching
in, 30-1;
seizure of, 45
Churches, 105;

Marseilles city, in, 110
*Civil 8c Military Gazette*,
200

Colvin, Sir Auckland, 24,
214, 261

Companionship of the Sur
of India (C.S.I.), 66*7;

Sir Syed receives, 55
Committee for diffusion
of learning among
Mohammedans, 159, 16 1
Cox, Harold, 264
Crewe, Lord, 285, 286
Cromer, Lord, 285, 286
Curzon Hospital, 196
*Daily Mail% 285
^Daily Telegraph’, 197
Dalhousie, Lord, 54
Daval Singh, 235*6
Dehlu, Raja, 8

Dekkhan, disturbances in, 203

Dekkhan Agriculturists
Relief Bill, 202
Delhi, 2. 156;

Ameer of Afghanistan visits,

197;

antiquities of, 8*14;

Imperial assemblage at, 157;
name, derivation of, 8;

Old Fort, 8-9
Sir Syed born at, i;

Sir Syed transferred to, 6;

Sir Syed visits home at, 21;
de Lesseps, M., 10 1
Department of Public
Instruction, 53
Diwan-i-Aam, 3
Dhalip, ruler of Oudh, 8
Dhawa, Raja, 12
Dodd, Major, 86, 94» 100, 104
Dover, 124
Drummond, R., 58
Du Perron’s fort, 225
Duff, M.G. Grant, 70
Dufferin, Lord, 269, 270,

278*9

Duke, see Argyll, Duke of
Dur*i-Mukhtar, 145
East India Company, 25, 29, 59
‘Echo’, 13 1

‘Edinburgh Review’, 54
Education;

British, effect on, 127;
British system, faults in,
160;

Buffaloes at school, 215;
Carper’s efforts for, 78;
employment based on, 32;
female attitude to, 31;
female, Muir’s advice on,
167;

290

Government’s policy, Sir
Syed’s views on, 133;
Government’s responsibility
for, 219;
higher, 278-81;

Hunter’s views on, 154-5;
Inspection of schools, 217;
missionary schools, 30-1;
Muhammedans’, prejudices
regarding, 160-1;
purpose of, 132;

Shah Abdulazeez’s *fatwa’
on, 32;

Scholarships to Indians,
68-70;

Sir Syed’s views on, 47
Education Commission, 214-5

Egypt. 97 ff., 239;

Viceroy of, 93;
womens* condition in, 130
Egyptians, 88, 94
Elgin, Viceroy, 261
Elliot, Sir Charles, 271
Employment, 32fr.;

British attitude to, 32-3;
education as requirement
for, 32

English language, 50-1, 220
English Channel, 122, 124
Epistle of Paul, 34
Essays, 160

Etawah Yeomanry Levy, 228
Faiz Ali, Nawab, 178
Fariduddin Ahmed, Khwajeh,
death, 3,5;

General Ochterlony,
pictured with, 3;

Nawab Dabir ud Dowla,
title given to, 2;

Prime Minister, Akbar

appoints, 2
Fatehpur Sikri, 6
Fattehgurh, 112
‘Fickah’, 32
Firozabad City, 1 1
Firozshah Fort, 1 1
Fitzpatrick, Sir Dennis, 10 1
France; French, 89, 106-7;
French language, 50, 88;
Sultan of Turkey visits, 130
‘Friend of India’, 235
Friendship, Sir Syed’s views
on, 35

Fuller, Sir Bamfylde, 276
Garhi Ismail, 146
‘Gau-than-sitla’, 212
Gazette of India, Vaccination
Bill in, 210
Ghats, 77

Ghazipore, 48, 55-6;
Ghazipore, 112;

Scientific Society established
at, 49

Ghazi Gate Fortification, 9
Ghiasuddin Balban, 9, 10
Gibbons, views on tolerance
in Islam 74-5

God, Sir Syed’s views, 84
Government, friendly relations
necessity for, 34-5
Graham, G.F.I., 24;

Benares, Superintendent

at, 133;

Benares, transfer from, 163;
Imperial Assemblage, 170;
replies to Syed Mahmud’s
toast 193-4;

Scientific Society speech at, 49
Sir Syed at house of, 157;

Sir Syed, correspondence

291

with, 229-30, 263-5, 268,
269.70;

Sir Syed meets 49;

Sir Syed visits at Badaon, 58;
Speech at first meeting of
Ghazipore translation
society, 49

welcomes Sir Syed, 64
Greeks, 73, 93, 94;

Sir Syed’s views on, 53;
Gurdaspur, Sir Syed visits,

233-4;

Habibia College, 200
*Hadees*, teaching of, 32
Hadi Syed, i
Haldour, 20, 23
Humayum, 10
Hambali, 144
Hamid, Syed, 83, 92, 107,
124, 129-30

Hamilton, Lord George, 54
Hamilton, Sir Robert, 6
Hanafi sect, 144, 145
Hanuman temple, 88
Hardie, Keir, 286
Harnam Sing, Kunr, 232
Hassan Khan, Syed, 177, 238
Hastanpur, 13
‘Hayat Afgani’, 146
Hell Fort, 9-10
Himalayan hills, 166
Hindus, 23, 73, 265;

M.A.O. College students,
227;

Muslims, unity with, 236;
North-West Frontier, flight
to, 149;
rulers, 8;

temples in Aden, 88;
vaccination, accepted by

highest castes. 212
History, Sir Syed’s views
about study of, 52-3
Hume, Allan Octavian, 228,
229

Hunter, W.W., 141, 274;
Education Commission
on 224;

Sir Syed^s review of ‘Our
Indian Mussulmans’, 141-56
Sir Syed’s refutation of his
errors, 152;

speech at M.A.O. College
meeting, 225, 228
Hyat Khan, Khan Bahadoor
Mohamed, 234, 184
Hyderabad, 252;
endowment from, increase
in, 241;

Sir Syed with Salar Jang at,
224

Ibrahim Khan, Mohamed, 43
Idris masjid, 88
Ikhtyar-ud-Din, Malik, 9
Imam Mahdi, 152
Imperial Assemblage, 157,
164;

Graham meets Sir Syed -at,
170

Inayat Ali, 148
Inayatoola Khan, 169, 178
Inderpristh, 8, 13
India Office, 129
Indian affairs. Sir Syed’s
speech on, 58-60
Indian Association, Sir Syed’s
address to, 235

Indian National Congress, 275
Indian Reform Bill, 285-6
Indian Revolt, causes of, 24-5

292

Indian United Patriotic
Association, 273
Indians, compared with
British, 125

Inoculation, prohibition of,
213

Irshad Ali, 47

Ishak Khan, Mahomed, 23 S

Islam;

Sir Syed*s plan for a book
on, 128;

Sir Syed’s views on, 71-5;
toleration in, 71
Islamic Society, Jallander, 232
Ismail Khan, Mohammed,

26, 146, 251, 272. 273
Ismail Shaikh, 95
Jallander 237;

Sir Syed*s speech at, 232
Japp, General, 102
Jesus, 34, 153
Jews, 143
Jihad, 143;

Sir Syed as leader for, 146
Jowadud Dowla, 1
Jowahid Ali Khan, 1
Jubbulpore, 76
Judishter, Raja, 8
Judishter dynasty, 13
Jumma masjid, 88
Jumna river, 1 1
7arib’, 3

Jykishen Dass, Raja, 135
Kzdiv Baksh, 230
Kafar-uz-Ziat city, 96
Kaka Sahib, 146
Kalb Ali K^ Bahadoor,

177

Kapurthala, 213
Kathiawar, 196, 252

Kaye, Sir John W., 66 ;

Sir Syed, correspondence
with, 65, 186, 187, 270
Kennedy, John Murray, 158
Khedive, 130, 168
Khilat, Sir Syed receives, 22
Khilji, Ala*ud>din, 10
Khorassan, 37
Khudadad Beg, 78, 83, 92,
107. 123, 124, 130
Khusroh, Amir, 10
Khyber hills, 152
Koran, 167, 198, 223;

Sir Syed, commentary by,
264

Kutab Saheb Dargah, 96
Kutub-ud-Din Aibak, 9
Kuwat-ul-Islam mosque, 96
Kuzul Bashies, 37
Lahore, donation for M.A.O.
College from, 237;

Sir Syed arrives at, 235
Sir Syed's address at Indian
Association, 235
Land and landlords, 3 3
Lansdowne, Lord, 286
Lawrence, Lord, 62, 65-6;

Sir Syed*s Oudh Durbar
discussion with, 68 ;

Sir Syed's speech read by, 67
Legislative Council for India,
56. 280;

effect of natives non-
admission, 27>8
Lemercier, architect, 114
Library, 176, 183, 198;
of Hamilton 54;
of Sir Syed 265
Lillingston W.S., 134, 137;
Sir Syed, letter to, 135

293

Lincoln*! Inn, 68, 136, 163
London houses, conditions in,
130-1

Louis Xni, 1 14
*Loyal Mohammedans of
India*, the, 40
Ludhiana, 230-1
Ludlam, J., 127-8
Lutf Ali Khan, Kanwar
Mohammud, 168, 178, 180,
184

Lutf Ali Khan, Koer, 251
Lyall, Sir Alfred, 156, 239,
250, 270;

Lytton, Edward Robert, 250,
259. 261;

Address to, at Allygurh
College, 173;

Allygurh, arrived at, 171;
Maharaja, of Kashmire,
reception of, 157;

M.A.O. College foundation
stone laid by, 249;

M.A.O. College inaugural
speech, 180-9;
portrait of, 266 ;

Sir Syed*s appointment to
Viceroy’s Council by, 202
Macaulay, Lord, 62, 257
Macdonald, Mrs. Frederika,
270

Macdonald, John, 138
MacDonnell Boarding-house,
196

Madras, 196;

Club, Mahmud visited, 262;
temple, 88

Maharaja of Benares, 170,
177, 250, 259
Maharaja of Kashmire, 157

Maharaja of Patialla, 168,

250, 259

Maharaja of Vizianagram,
177, 250, 259

Maharani Surnomoyee, 250,

259

Mahbub Ali, 147
Mahbulla Khan, 44
Mahdi Ali, Molvi, 271
Mahmud Khan, Nawab, 16;
Bijuore attacked and
captured by, 20;

Hindu landowners, defeated
by, 19-20;

Sir Syed appointed to charge
of Bijnore by, 19;

Sir Syed, gave money to, 19
Sir Syed, interview with, 17
Mahmud, Syed, 78, 83, 124,
130, 171, 265;

Cambridge, returned from,

163;

Education Commission,
member of, 214;

India Office, in, 129;
joins Sir Syed at Benares,

158;

Judge of the High Court,
260-1 ;

Lord Lytton, his address to,
173-80;
marriage, 274;
Mohammedans* aloofness to
English education, views on
causes of, 220-4;

Muir’s enquiry about studies

of, * 35 ;

receives Lord Ripon, 246;
Salar Jang, health proposed
by, 241-3:

294

Sir Syed's determination to
send him to Cambridge, 63
Mahomed Shah, 1 1
Malcolm, Sir John, 202
Malki sect, 144
Marquis of Lome, 65, 66;
Mansard, architect, 114, 116
Marseilles, 106-11
‘Mata-Debi*, 212
Mecca, 139. I45, 152;
doctors issue *fatwa* against
Sir Syed, 139-40 -
Meerut, 13, 15, 19, 20, 21,
112;

Sir Syed’s account to the
Commissioner, 20;

Mutiny at, 15
Mehtab Bagh Pond, 115
Metcalfe, Sir Charles, 47
Midleton, Lord, 285
Mill, John Stuart, 54* 61
Minto, Lord, 282, 284, 286;
Ameer of Afghanistan meets
with. 197;
deputation to 281-5
Missionaries, 29, 30-1
Mobarik Shah, 1 1
Mobarikabad Fort, 1 1
Mobarikpur Rcthi, 1 1
Mohammad Husein, 45
Mohammad Khan, 44
Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental
College, 139, 171;

Ameer of Afghanistan visits,
198-201;

annual income of, 249;
annual report of 1893, 94

194;

Committee, Ripon’s address

‘o, 247;

Fellows’ table introduced in,
190;

foreign students in, 196;
Fund Committee formed,

163;

history of, 190-7;

Hyderabad, donation from,
224;

Lord Lytton visits, 173-89;
Muir’s address at, 164-9;
objectives of, 252;
students, areas recruited from,
196;

supporters of. 250;
Mohammed (Peace be upon
Him). 143, 154;

Sir Syed’s essay on life of,

65

Mohammedan Literary
Society, Calcutta, 50-1
Mohammedans, 265;

British religious interference,
26;

cow slaughter proposed by,

197;

education, aloofness from,
220-4;

education, ‘Pioneer’ article
on, 171;

habits and manners, 161;
Haldour Chowdry’s attack
on, 20;

Hunter describes impover-
ishment of, 154-6;
loyalty of, 40-2;
religious liberty, 154;
rulers, 8;

Sicily ruled by, 105;

Sir Syed’s opposition from,
139-40;

295

subjects studied by, 47
Mohandar Singh Maharro,
Rajah, Sir, 177
Moiddin Khan, Gholam, 16
Moiz-ud-din Kai Kobad, 10
Monasteries, 146
Moradabad, 16;
modern history school
opened at, 48;

Sir Sycd transferred to, 22
Morison, Mr., 195
Morley, Mr. (later Lord),
283, 285, 286

Mozaffer nagger, Sir Syed in,
238

Muir, Sir William, 71, 133
183, 249. 259;

Allygurh College, address
to, 164.9;

Allygurh College, grants
lands to, 175;

Allygurh College visited,
169;

farewell address by, 169-70;
Mahmud’s progress. Sir
Sycd’s letter about, 135-6;
school inauguration speech

by, 133;

Sir Syed’s misunderstanding
of, 133-7

Munro, Sir Thomas, 33
Nabbi Baksh Khan, 45
Nadir Shah, 37
Napoleon III, 91, 118, 119;
Elysee Palace, residence of,
120

Narain Singh Bahadur, 212
Nasiban ayah, 103
Nasir-ud-din, Sultan, 9
Nastr-ul-bab, 146

National Congress, 273, 275
Natural philosophy, Sir Syed’s
views on, 53-4
Nawab of Rampore, 168, 251
New Ghazipore College, 55-7
Nizam of Hyderabad, 177
Noble Palace (Delhi), 10
Norman, Chief Justice, 141
North-West Provinces, 29,
224, 277;

Lieutenant-Governor of, 135;
Sir Syed, proposed college
in, 63;

Syed Mahmud, High Court
Judge in, 64;

Northbrooke, Lord, 169, 175,
183, 249, 259
Noyes, Mr., 183
Obeidoolla Khan,
Mohammed, 168
Ochtcrlony, General, 2-3
Oudh, annexation of, 25
’Our Indian Mussulmans*, 141;

Sir Syed’s review of, 14 1-4
Oxford University, 19 1, 194,
227, 252

Palace of the Thousand
Pillars, 10

’Pall Mall Gazette’, 274
Paris, 112 £f.

Parliament, interest in Indian
affairs in, 60
Parker, Mr., 235
Patialla, 212, 237, 238;
vaccination introduced at,

213

Patna, I 47 » 253
Peer Baba, 146
Peninsular and Oriental Co.,
107

296

Perim Island, 91
Persia, 2, 25, 37, 196
Persian, teaching of, 32
Persians, 73, 93, 221;

in Nadir Shah*s army, 37
Pertab Sing, 17
Pilibhit, 42;

Abdullah Khan, Kotwal at,

43

‘Pioneer’, 160, 171, 197,

245» 261 , 269;

Graham’s letter to, 228,
Political economy, Sir Syed’s
views on, 54
Portugal, 181
Prinsep, James, 12, 14
Pumps, run by windmills,
IM

Punjab, 3«, I47. 196, 277;
administration of, discussion
between Sir Syed and Mr.
Fitzpatrick, 10 1;

Sir Syed’s visit to (1884),

230

Punjab University, 278
Rai Pithora, Raja, 9, 12
Rai, Raja Ram Mohan, 78
Rebellion, causes of, 28
Reforms Bill, see Indian
Reforms Bill
Rehmat Khan, 17, 19, 47
Religion, British interference
in, 28-30

Revenue collection, purpose
of. 54

Ripon, Lord, 203, 261;
health proposed and
received, 241;

M.A.O. College, liddrcss at,
256*60;

M.A.O. College, visited,
246;

Sir Syed visited, 245
Rizwi, Bani Hashim Syed, 99
Rohilkhand, 22
Rollin, M., 53
Roorkec mutineers, 16
Royal Asiatic Society, 6
Sabit Ali, 47
Saints, worship of, 146
Salarjang, Sir, 168, 177, 238,
249. ^50;

Mahmud proposed health of,

241-3;

M.A.O. College, inspected
by, 224;

M.A.O. College, speech at,
240-1;

M.A.O. College, visited,
239-40;

portrait of, 266,

Sir Syed, conversation with,
224;

speech at dinner, 243-5
Samee-oolla, Moulvie, 168
Sami-alli Khan, 259
Sanskrit, teaching of, 32
Schools, 30, 215-6
Scientific Society, Allygurh,
125;

establishment of, 49;

Sir Syed’s speech to, 52-4
Scientific Society’s Institute,
Sir Syed’s speech at, 58-60
Sconce district, 77
Shaddad, King, 87
Shafai sect, 144
Shah Alam, 5, 16
Shah Tehan, 36, 186
Shaikh, Khauruddin, 46

297

Shaikh, Sharfuddin, 45
Shakespeare, Mr., I5-I9» 22;
Alexander, Mr., letter to, 22;
document signed by 1 8 ;
rebel chief, interview with
16;

Sir Syed's pension recom-
mended by, 23
Shiahs, 199;
praying place, 227
Sikhs, 146, 265;
jihad* movement against,
146;

Mohammedans preaching
against, 146

Sinha, Raja Shambu Narainha,
164

Sittana Colony, 15 1
Smallpox, annual deaths, 214
Smeatonian Society of Civil
Engineers, 67
Somalis, 88, 90
Spain, 181
Stanley, Lord, 176;

Sir Syed’s meeting with, 6$
Steamship, measurement of
distance covered, 85
Strachey, Sir John, 175, 185,

249. 259;

portrait of, 266;

Sir Syed*s loyalty to British,
statement of, 15
Strachey Hall, 176, 196, 264;
Ameer of Afghanistan
addressed in, 199;

Lord Ripon addressed in, 246
Suez;

canal, de Lesseps maker of,
101;

city, 93-5;

Hotel, Sir Syed at, 93, 94
Sunnis, 145;
praying place of, 227
Swat, Akhoond of, 146
Tagore, Maharaja Jotindra
Mohan, 214

Takki Khan Syed Mohomad
(Sir Syed’s father), 2, 4, 5
Tassy, M. Garcin de, 6
Temples, 212
Thomas, Edward, 135
‘Times. The’, 281
Toulon, 105
Translation Society, 49
‘Tribune’, 236

Turab Ally Mir, 17, 19, 20, 47
Turkey. 89;

foreign relations of, 130;
Mohammedans, condition in,
130;

Sultan of, 130;
women, condition of, 130
Turner, Sir Charles, 262
Urdu;

importance of instruction
in, 132;

teaching of in village
schools, 31
Vaccination, 210
Vaccination Bill, Sir Syed’s
speech on, 210
Viceroy’s Council, Sir Syed
member of, 202
Victoria, Queen, 56;

Indian affairs, interest in, 60
Volunteers, 228-30
Wahabis, Wahabiism, 141 ff.;
faith, 152;
history of, 146*52;

Hunter describes, 142-3;

29S

Sir Sycd’s views on, 142;
trials, 1 41

Wali Mohammad Khan, 44
Wellesley, Lord, 2

Wellington, Duke of, 33, 202
West, Ellen, 128
Women, British and Indian
compared, 128